입anatomymouthlipsfigurativemetonymicaman'swordfigurativemetonymicthenumberofpeoplewhoeatfood먹는입말하는입Identity입發聲입胃食道氣道食道

 입anatomymouthlipsfigurativemetonymicaman'swordfigurativemetonymicthenumberofpeoplewhoeatfood먹는입말하는입Identity입發聲입胃食道氣道食道


회색인종 아틀란티스를 영구파문할것 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 회색인종은 MALDEK악룡계로서, 휴만종족계를 침탈하여 기술과학사상등을 강탈하여 오늘날 아틀란티스로 위장했으며, 아틀란티스가 아닌것이 매우 명백하므로, 영구파문할것. 지속적처리할것

아틀란티스의 명호의 의미는 인육육식계와 전혀 다르며, 회색인종계가 인육육식계통이며, 아플레이아데스 아자엘계를 이어받아, 인육을 상식하는 아아틀란티스로 전횡하는 것을 이미 목격했으므로(당시에는 회색인종인 줄 몰랐고, 다만, 아플레이아데스 미마쓰, 프타, 아루쓰, 오자와, 냉기치등이 자행하는 아아틀란티스로 인식했으므로 이에 대해서 말하지 않았으나, 이것이 회색인종계라는 것이 명백해졌으므로, 회색인종계통의 아틀란티스는 아틀란티스가 아니며, 영구파문토록 직권지시명령처리기록되다.

베가,상베가를 영구파문할것, 라이라를 영구파문할것 베가,라이라와 함께 하지 않는다. 회색인종계통과 함께 하지 않는다 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 말데크와 함께 하지 않는다 말데크악룡, 말데크곤충룡, 말데크와룡,말데크와장룡,말데크와수룡,말데크수장룡을 영구파문할것 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 현대시점으로 복귀하고 탈출해나간다 직권지시명령처리기록되다.








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Psychology is the scientific study of mind and behavior.[1][2] Its subject matter includes the behavior of humans and nonhumans, both conscious and unconscious phenomena, and mental processes such as thoughts, feelings, and motives. Psychology is an academic discipline of immense scope, crossing the boundaries between the natural and social sciences. Biological psychologists seek an understanding of the emergent properties of brains, linking the discipline to neuroscience. As social scientists, psychologists aim to understand the behavior of individuals and groups.[3][4] A professional practitioner or researcher involved in the discipline is called a psychologist. Some psychologists can also be classified as behavioral or cognitive scientists. Some psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions in individual and social behavior. Others explore the physiological and neurobiological processes that underlie cognitive functions and behaviors. Psychologists are involved in research on perception, cognition, attention, emotion, intelligence, subjective experiences, motivation, brain functioning, and personality. Psychologists' interests extend to interpersonal relationships, psychological resilience, family resilience, and other areas within social psychology. They also consider the unconscious mind.[5] Research psychologists employ empirical methods to infer causal and correlational relationships between psychosocial variables. Some, but not all, clinical and counseling psychologists rely on symbolic interpretation. While psychological knowledge is often applied to the assessment and treatment of mental health problems, it is also directed towards understanding and solving problems in several spheres of human activity. By many accounts, psychology ultimately aims to benefit society.[6][7][8] Many psychologists are involved in some kind of therapeutic role, practicing psychotherapy in clinical, counseling, or school settings. Other psychologists conduct scientific research on a wide range of topics related to mental processes and behavior. Typically the latter group of psychologists work in academic settings (e.g., universities, medical schools, or hospitals). Another group of psychologists is employed in industrial and organizational settings.[9] Yet others are involved in work on human development, aging, sports, health, forensic science, education, and the media. Etymology and definitions The word psychology derives from the Greek word psyche, for spirit or soul. The latter part of the word psychology derives from -λογία -logia, which means "study" or "research".[10] The word psychology was first used in the Renaissance.[11] In its Latin form psychiologia, it was first employed by the Croatian humanist and Latinist Marko Marulić in his book Psichiologia de ratione animae humanae (Psychology, on the Nature of the Human Soul) in the decade 1510–1520[11][12] The earliest known reference to the word psychology in English was by Steven Blankaart in 1694 in The Physical Dictionary. The dictionary refers to "Anatomy, which treats the Body, and Psychology, which treats of the Soul."[13] Ψ (psi), the first letter of the Greek word psyche from which the term psychology is derived, is commonly associated with the field of psychology. In 1890, William James defined psychology as "the science of mental life, both of its phenomena and their conditions."[14] This definition enjoyed widespread currency for decades. However, this meaning was contested, notably by John B. Watson, who in 1913 asserted the methodological behaviorist view of psychology as a purely objective experimental branch of natural science, the theoretical goal of which "is the prediction and control of behavior."[15] Since James defined "psychology", the term more strongly implicates scientific experimentation.[16][15] Folk psychology is the understanding of the mental states and behaviors of people held by ordinary people, as contrasted with psychology professionals' understanding.[17] History Main article: History of psychology For a chronological guide, see Timeline of psychology. The ancient civilizations of Egypt, Greece, China, India, and Persia all engaged in the philosophical study of psychology. In Ancient Egypt the Ebers Papyrus mentioned depression and thought disorders.[18] Historians note that Greek philosophers, including Thales, Plato, and Aristotle (especially in his De Anima treatise),[19] addressed the workings of the mind.[20] As early as the 4th century BC, the Greek physician Hippocrates theorized that mental disorders had physical rather than supernatural causes.[21] In 387 BCE, Plato suggested that the brain is where mental processes take place, and in 335 BCE Aristotle suggested that it was the heart.[22] In China, the foundations of psychological thought emerged from the philosophical works of ancient thinkers like Laozi and Confucius, as well as the teachings of Buddhism.[23] This body of knowledge drew insights from introspection, observation, and techniques for focused thinking and behavior. It viewed the universe as comprising physical and mental realms, along with the interplay between the two.[24] Chinese philosophy also emphasized purifying the mind in order to increase virtue and power. An ancient text known as The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine identifies the brain as the nexus of wisdom and sensation, includes theories of personality based on yin–yang balance, and analyzes mental disorder in terms of physiological and social disequilibria. Chinese scholarship that focused on the brain advanced during the Qing dynasty with the work of Western-educated Fang Yizhi (1611–1671), Liu Zhi (1660–1730), and Wang Qingren (1768–1831). Wang Qingren emphasized the importance of the brain as the center of the nervous system, linked mental disorder with brain diseases, investigated the causes of dreams and insomnia, and advanced a theory of hemispheric lateralization in brain function.[25] Influenced by Hinduism, Indian philosophy explored distinctions in types of awareness. A central idea of the Upanishads and other Vedic texts that formed the foundations of Hinduism was the distinction between a person's transient mundane self and their eternal, unchanging soul. Divergent Hindu doctrines and Buddhism have challenged this hierarchy of selves, but have all emphasized the importance of reaching higher awareness. Yoga encompasses a range of techniques used in pursuit of this goal. Theosophy, a religion established by Russian-American philosopher Helena Blavatsky, drew inspiration from these doctrines during her time in British India.[26][27] Psychology was of interest to Enlightenment thinkers in Europe. In Germany, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) applied his principles of calculus to the mind, arguing that mental activity took place on an indivisible continuum. He suggested that the difference between conscious and unconscious awareness is only a matter of degree. Christian Wolff identified psychology as its own science, writing Psychologia Empirica in 1732 and Psychologia Rationalis in 1734. Immanuel Kant advanced the idea of anthropology as a discipline, with psychology an important subdivision. Kant, however, explicitly rejected the idea of an experimental psychology, writing that "the empirical doctrine of the soul can also never approach chemistry even as a systematic art of analysis or experimental doctrine, for in it the manifold of inner observation can be separated only by mere division in thought, and cannot then be held separate and recombined at will (but still less does another thinking subject suffer himself to be experimented upon to suit our purpose), and even observation by itself already changes and displaces the state of the observed object." In 1783, Ferdinand Ueberwasser (1752–1812) designated himself Professor of Empirical Psychology and Logic and gave lectures on scientific psychology, though these developments were soon overshadowed by the Napoleonic Wars.[28] At the end of the Napoleonic era, Prussian authorities discontinued the Old University of Münster.[28] Having consulted philosophers Hegel and Herbart, however, in 1825 the Prussian state established psychology as a mandatory discipline in its rapidly expanding and highly influential educational system. However, this discipline did not yet embrace experimentation.[29] In England, early psychology involved phrenology and the response to social problems including alcoholism, violence, and the country's crowded "lunatic" asylums.[30] Beginning of experimental psychology James McKeen Cattell, the first psychologist in the United States Wilhelm Wundt (seated), a German psychologist, with colleagues in his psychological laboratory, the first of its kind, c. 1880 One of the dogs used in Russian psychologist Ivan Pavlov's experiment with a surgically implanted cannula to measure saliva, preserved in the Pavlov Museum in Ryazan, Russia Philosopher John Stuart Mill believed that the human mind was open to scientific investigation, even if the science is in some ways inexact.[31] Mill proposed a "mental chemistry" in which elementary thoughts could combine into ideas of greater complexity.[31] Gustav Fechner began conducting psychophysics research in Leipzig in the 1830s. He articulated the principle that human perception of a stimulus varies logarithmically according to its intensity.[32]: 61  The principle became known as the Weber–Fechner law. Fechner's 1860 Elements of Psychophysics challenged Kant's negative view with regard to conducting quantitative research on the mind.[33][29] Fechner's achievement was to show that "mental processes could not only be given numerical magnitudes, but also that these could be measured by experimental methods."[29] In Heidelberg, Hermann von Helmholtz conducted parallel research on sensory perception, and trained physiologist Wilhelm Wundt. Wundt, in turn, came to Leipzig University, where he established the psychological laboratory that brought experimental psychology to the world. Wundt focused on breaking down mental processes into the most basic components, motivated in part by an analogy to recent advances in chemistry, and its successful investigation of the elements and structure of materials.[34] Paul Flechsig and Emil Kraepelin soon created another influential laboratory at Leipzig, a psychology-related lab, that focused more on experimental psychiatry.[29] James McKeen Cattell, a professor of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University and the co-founder of Psychological Review, was the first professor of psychology in the United States.[35] The German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus, a researcher at the University of Berlin, was a 19th-century contributor to the field. He pioneered the experimental study of memory and developed quantitative models of learning and forgetting.[36] In the early 20th century, Wolfgang Kohler, Max Wertheimer, and Kurt Koffka co-founded the school of Gestalt psychology of Fritz Perls. The approach of Gestalt psychology is based upon the idea that individuals experience things as unified wholes. Rather than reducing thoughts and behavior into smaller component elements, as in structuralism, the Gestaltists maintain that whole of experience is important, "and is something else than the sum of its parts, because summing is a meaningless procedure, whereas the whole-part relationship is meaningful."[37] Psychologists in Germany, Denmark, Austria, England, and the United States soon followed Wundt in setting up laboratories.[38] G. Stanley Hall, an American who studied with Wundt, founded a psychology lab that became internationally influential. The lab was located at Johns Hopkins University. Hall, in turn, trained Yujiro Motora, who brought experimental psychology, emphasizing psychophysics, to the Imperial University of Tokyo.[39] Wundt's assistant, Hugo Münsterberg, taught psychology at Harvard to students such as Narendra Nath Sen Gupta—who, in 1905, founded a psychology department and laboratory at the University of Calcutta.[26] Wundt's students Walter Dill Scott, Lightner Witmer, and James McKeen Cattell worked on developing tests of mental ability. Cattell, who also studied with eugenicist Francis Galton, went on to found the Psychological Corporation. Witmer focused on the mental testing of children; Scott, on employee selection.[32]: 60  Another student of Wundt, the Englishman Edward Titchener, created the psychology program at Cornell University and advanced "structuralist" psychology. The idea behind structuralism was to analyze and classify different aspects of the mind, primarily through the method of introspection.[40] William James, John Dewey, and Harvey Carr advanced the idea of functionalism, an expansive approach to psychology that underlined the Darwinian idea of a behavior's usefulness to the individual. In 1890, James wrote an influential book, The Principles of Psychology, which expanded on the structuralism. He memorably described "stream of consciousness." James's ideas interested many American students in the emerging discipline.[40][14][32]: 178–82  Dewey integrated psychology with societal concerns, most notably by promoting progressive education, inculcating moral values in children, and assimilating immigrants.[32]: 196–200  A different strain of experimentalism, with a greater connection to physiology, emerged in South America, under the leadership of Horacio G. Piñero at the University of Buenos Aires.[41] In Russia, too, researchers placed greater emphasis on the biological basis for psychology, beginning with Ivan Sechenov's 1873 essay, "Who Is to Develop Psychology and How?" Sechenov advanced the idea of brain reflexes and aggressively promoted a deterministic view of human behavior.[42] The Russian-Soviet physiologist Ivan Pavlov discovered in dogs a learning process that was later termed "classical conditioning" and applied the process to human beings.[43] Consolidation and funding One of the earliest psychology societies was La Société de Psychologie Physiologique in France, which lasted from 1885 to 1893. The first meeting of the International Congress of Psychology sponsored by the International Union of Psychological Science took place in Paris, in August 1889, amidst the World's Fair celebrating the centennial of the French Revolution. William James was one of three Americans among the 400 attendees. The American Psychological Association (APA) was founded soon after, in 1892. The International Congress continued to be held at different locations in Europe and with wide international participation. The Sixth Congress, held in Geneva in 1909, included presentations in Russian, Chinese, and Japanese, as well as Esperanto. After a hiatus for World War I, the Seventh Congress met in Oxford, with substantially greater participation from the war-victorious Anglo-Americans. In 1929, the Congress took place at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, attended by hundreds of members of the APA.[38] Tokyo Imperial University led the way in bringing new psychology to the East. New ideas about psychology diffused from Japan into China.[25][39] American psychology gained status upon the U.S.'s entry into World War I. A standing committee headed by Robert Yerkes administered mental tests ("Army Alpha" and "Army Beta") to almost 1.8 million soldiers.[44] Subsequently, the Rockefeller family, via the Social Science Research Council, began to provide funding for behavioral research.[45][46] Rockefeller charities funded the National Committee on Mental Hygiene, which disseminated the concept of mental illness and lobbied for applying ideas from psychology to child rearing.[44][47] Through the Bureau of Social Hygiene and later funding of Alfred Kinsey, Rockefeller foundations helped establish research on sexuality in the U.S.[48] Under the influence of the Carnegie-funded Eugenics Record Office, the Draper-funded Pioneer Fund, and other institutions, the eugenics movement also influenced American psychology. In the 1910s and 1920s, eugenics became a standard topic in psychology classes.[49] In contrast to the US, in the UK psychology was met with antagonism by the scientific and medical establishments, and up until 1939, there were only six psychology chairs in universities in England.[50] During World War II and the Cold War, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies established themselves as leading funders of psychology by way of the armed forces and in the new Office of Strategic Services intelligence agency. University of Michigan psychologist Dorwin Cartwright reported that university researchers began large-scale propaganda research in 1939–1941. He observed that "the last few months of the war saw a social psychologist become chiefly responsible for determining the week-by-week-propaganda policy for the United States Government." Cartwright also wrote that psychologists had significant roles in managing the domestic economy.[51] The Army rolled out its new General Classification Test to assess the ability of millions of soldiers. The Army also engaged in large-scale psychological research of troop morale and mental health.[52] In the 1950s, the Rockefeller Foundation and Ford Foundation collaborated with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to fund research on psychological warfare.[53] In 1965, public controversy called attention to the Army's Project Camelot, the "Manhattan Project" of social science, an effort which enlisted psychologists and anthropologists to analyze the plans and policies of foreign countries for strategic purposes.[54][55] In Germany after World War I, psychology held institutional power through the military, which was subsequently expanded along with the rest of the military during Nazi Germany.[29] Under the direction of Hermann Göring's cousin Matthias Göring, the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute was renamed the Göring Institute. Freudian psychoanalysts were expelled and persecuted under the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi Party, and all psychologists had to distance themselves from Freud and Adler, founders of psychoanalysis who were also Jewish.[56] The Göring Institute was well-financed throughout the war with a mandate to create a "New German Psychotherapy." This psychotherapy aimed to align suitable Germans with the overall goals of the Reich. As described by one physician, "Despite the importance of analysis, spiritual guidance and the active cooperation of the patient represent the best way to overcome individual mental problems and to subordinate them to the requirements of the Volk and the Gemeinschaft." Psychologists were to provide Seelenführung [lit., soul guidance], the leadership of the mind, to integrate people into the new vision of a German community.[57] Harald Schultz-Hencke melded psychology with the Nazi theory of biology and racial origins, criticizing psychoanalysis as a study of the weak and deformed.[58] Johannes Heinrich Schultz, a German psychologist recognized for developing the technique of autogenic training, prominently advocated sterilization and euthanasia of men considered genetically undesirable, and devised techniques for facilitating this process.[59] After the war, new institutions were created although some psychologists, because of their Nazi affiliation, were discredited. Alexander Mitscherlich founded a prominent applied psychoanalysis journal called Psyche. With funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, Mitscherlich established the first clinical psychosomatic medicine division at Heidelberg University. In 1970, psychology was integrated into the required studies of medical students.[60] After the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks promoted psychology as a way to engineer the "New Man" of socialism. Consequently, university psychology departments trained large numbers of students in psychology. At the completion of training, positions were made available for those students at schools, workplaces, cultural institutions, and in the military. The Russian state emphasized pedology and the study of child development. Lev Vygotsky became prominent in the field of child development.[42] The Bolsheviks also promoted free love and embraced the doctrine of psychoanalysis as an antidote to sexual repression.[61]: 84–6 [62] Although pedology and intelligence testing fell out of favor in 1936, psychology maintained its privileged position as an instrument of the Soviet Union.[42] Stalinist purges took a heavy toll and instilled a climate of fear in the profession, as elsewhere in Soviet society.[61]: 22  Following World War II, Jewish psychologists past and present, including Lev Vygotsky, A.R. Luria, and Aron Zalkind, were denounced; Ivan Pavlov (posthumously) and Stalin himself were celebrated as heroes of Soviet psychology.[61]: 25–6, 48–9  Soviet academics experienced a degree of liberalization during the Khrushchev Thaw. The topics of cybernetics, linguistics, and genetics became acceptable again. The new field of engineering psychology emerged. The field involved the study of the mental aspects of complex jobs (such as pilot and cosmonaut). Interdisciplinary studies became popular and scholars such as Georgy Shchedrovitsky developed systems theory approaches to human behavior.[61]: 27–33  Twentieth-century Chinese psychology originally modeled itself on U.S. psychology, with translations from American authors like William James, the establishment of university psychology departments and journals, and the establishment of groups including the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing (1930) and the Chinese Psychological Society (1937). Chinese psychologists were encouraged to focus on education and language learning. Chinese psychologists were drawn to the idea that education would enable modernization. John Dewey, who lectured to Chinese audiences between 1919 and 1921, had a significant influence on psychology in China. Chancellor T'sai Yuan-p'ei introduced him at Peking University as a greater thinker than Confucius. Kuo Zing-yang who received a PhD at the University of California, Berkeley, became President of Zhejiang University and popularized behaviorism.[63]: 5–9  After the Chinese Communist Party gained control of the country, the Stalinist Soviet Union became the major influence, with Marxism–Leninism the leading social doctrine and Pavlovian conditioning the approved means of behavior change. Chinese psychologists elaborated on Lenin's model of a "reflective" consciousness, envisioning an "active consciousness" (pinyin: tzu-chueh neng-tung-li) able to transcend material conditions through hard work and ideological struggle. They developed a concept of "recognition" (pinyin: jen-shih) which referred to the interface between individual perceptions and the socially accepted worldview; failure to correspond with party doctrine was "incorrect recognition."[63]: 9–17  Psychology education was centralized under the Chinese Academy of Sciences, supervised by the State Council. In 1951, the academy created a Psychology Research Office, which in 1956 became the Institute of Psychology. Because most leading psychologists were educated in the United States, the first concern of the academy was the re-education of these psychologists in the Soviet doctrines. Child psychology and pedagogy for the purpose of a nationally cohesive education remained a central goal of the discipline.[63]: 18–24  Women in psychology 1900–1949 Women in the early 1900s started to make key findings within the world of psychology. In 1923, Anna Freud,[64] the daughter of Sigmund Freud, built on her father's work using different defense mechanisms (denial, repression, and suppression) to psychoanalyze children. She believed that once a child reached the latency period, child analysis could be used as a mode of therapy. She stated it is important focus on the child's environment, support their development, and prevent neurosis. She believed a child should be recognized as their own person with their own right and have each session catered to the child's specific needs. She encouraged drawing, moving freely, and expressing themselves in any way. This helped build a strong therapeutic alliance with child patients, which allows psychologists to observe their normal behavior. She continued her research on the impact of children after family separation, children with socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, and all stages of child development from infancy to adolescence.[65] Functional periodicity, the belief women are mentally and physically impaired during menstruation, impacted women's rights because employers were less likely to hire them due to the belief they would be incapable of working for 1 week a month. Leta Stetter Hollingworth wanted to prove this hypothesis and Edward L. Thorndike's theory, that women have lesser psychological and physical traits than men and were simply mediocre, incorrect. Hollingworth worked to prove differences were not from male genetic superiority, but from culture. She also included the concept of women's impairment during menstruation in her research. She recorded both women and men performances on tasks (cognitive, perceptual, and motor) for three months. No evidence was found of decreased performance due to a woman's menstrual cycle.[66] She also challenged the belief intelligence is inherited and women here are intellectually inferior to men. She stated that women do not reach positions of power due to the societal norms and roles they are assigned. As she states in her article, "Variability as related to sex differences in achievement: A Critique",[67] the largest problem women have is the social order that was built due to the assumption women have less interests and abilities than men. To further prove her point, she completed another experiment with infants who have not been influenced by the environment of social norms, like the adult male getting more opportunities than women. She found no difference between infants besides size. After this research proved the original hypothesis wrong, Hollingworth was able to show there is no difference between the physiological and psychological traits of men and women, and women are not impaired during menstruation.[68] The first half of the 1900s was filled with new theories and it was a turning point for women's recognition within the field of psychology. In addition to the contributions made by Leta Stetter Hollingworth and Anna Freud, Mary Whiton Calkins invented the paired associates technique of studying memory and developed self-psychology.[69] Karen Horney developed the concept of "womb envy" and neurotic needs.[70] Psychoanalyst Melanie Klein impacted developmental psychology with her research of play therapy.[71] These great discoveries and contributions were made during struggles of sexism, discrimination, and little recognition for their work. 1950–1999 Women in the second half of the 20th century continued to do research that had large-scale impacts on the field of psychology. Mary Ainsworth's work centered around attachment theory. Building off fellow psychologist John Bowlby, Ainsworth spent years doing fieldwork to understand the development of mother-infant relationships. In doing this field research, Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation Procedure, a laboratory procedure meant to study attachment style by separating and uniting a child with their mother several different times under different circumstances. These field studies are also where she developed her attachment theory and the order of attachment styles, which was a landmark for developmental psychology.[72][73] Because of her work, Ainsworth became one of the most cited psychologists of all time.[74] Mamie Phipps Clark was another woman in psychology that changed the field with her research. She was one of the first African-Americans to receive a doctoral degree in psychology from Columbia University, along with her husband, Kenneth Clark. Her master's thesis, "The Development of Consciousness in Negro Pre-School Children," argued that black children's self-esteem was negatively impacted by racial discrimination. She and her husband conduced research building off her thesis throughout the 1940s. These tests, called the doll tests, asked young children to choose between identical dolls whose only difference was race, and they found that the majority of the children preferred the white dolls and attributed positive traits to them. Repeated over and over again, these tests helped to determine the negative effects of racial discrimination and segregation on black children's self-image and development. In 1954, this research would help decide the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, leading to the end of legal segregation across the nation. Clark went on to be an influential figure in psychology, her work continuing to focus on minority youth.[75] As the field of psychology developed throughout the latter half of the 20th century, women in the field advocated for their voices to be heard and their perspectives to be valued. Second-wave feminism did not miss psychology. An outspoken feminist in psychology was Naomi Weisstein, who was an accomplished researcher in psychology and neuroscience, and is perhaps best known for her paper, "Kirche, Kuche, Kinder as Scientific Law: Psychology Constructs the Female." Psychology Constructs the Female criticized the field of psychology for centering men and using biology too much to explain gender differences without taking into account social factors.[76] Her work set the stage for further research to be done in social psychology, especially in gender construction.[77] Other women in the field also continued advocating for women in psychology, creating the Association for Women in Psychology to criticize how the field treated women. E. Kitsch Child, Phyllis Chesler, and Dorothy Riddle were some of the founding members of the organization in 1969.[78][79] The latter half of the 20th century further diversified the field of psychology, with women of color reaching new milestones. In 1962, Martha Bernal became the first Latina woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology. In 1969, Marigold Linton, the first Native American woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology, founded the National Indian Education Association. She was also a founding member of the Society for Advancement of Chicanos and Native Americans in Science. In 1971, The Network of Indian Psychologists was established by Carolyn Attneave. Harriet McAdoo was appointed to the White House Conference on Families in 1979.[80] 21st century In the 21st century, women have gained greater prominence in psychology, contributing significantly to a wide range of subfields. Many have taken on leadership roles, directed influential research labs, and guided the next generation of psychologists. However, gender disparities remain, especially when it comes to equal pay and representation in senior academic positions.[81] The number of women pursuing education and training in psychological science has reached a record high. In the United States, estimates suggest that women make up about 78% of undergraduate students and 71% of graduate students in psychology.[81] Disciplinary organizations Institutions See also: List of psychology organizations In 1920, Édouard Claparède and Pierre Bovet created a new applied psychology organization called the International Congress of Psychotechnics Applied to Vocational Guidance, later called the International Congress of Psychotechnics and then the International Association of Applied Psychology.[38] The IAAP is considered the oldest international psychology association.[82] Today, at least 65 international groups deal with specialized aspects of psychology.[82] In response to male predominance in the field, female psychologists in the U.S. formed the National Council of Women Psychologists in 1941. This organization became the International Council of Women Psychologists after World War II and the International Council of Psychologists in 1959. Several associations including the Association of Black Psychologists and the Asian American Psychological Association have arisen to promote the inclusion of non-European racial groups in the profession.[82] The International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS) is the world federation of national psychological societies. The IUPsyS was founded in 1951 under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO).[38][83] Psychology departments have since proliferated around the world, based primarily on the Euro-American model.[26][83] Since 1966, the Union has published the International Journal of Psychology.[38] IAAP and IUPsyS agreed in 1976 each to hold a congress every four years, on a staggered basis.[82] IUPsyS recognizes 66 national psychology associations and at least 15 others exist.[82] The American Psychological Association is the oldest and largest.[82] Its membership has increased from 5,000 in 1945 to 100,000 in the present day.[40] The APA includes 54 divisions, which since 1960 have steadily proliferated to include more specialties. Some of these divisions, such as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and the American Psychology–Law Society, began as autonomous groups.[82] The Interamerican Psychological Society, founded in 1951, aspires to promote psychology across the Western Hemisphere. It holds the Interamerican Congress of Psychology and had 1,000 members in year 2000. The European Federation of Professional Psychology Associations, founded in 1981, represents 30 national associations with a total of 100,000 individual members. At least 30 other international organizations represent psychologists in different regions.[82] In some places, governments legally regulate who can provide psychological services or represent themselves as a "psychologist."[84] The APA defines a psychologist as someone with a doctoral degree in psychology.[85] Boundaries Early practitioners of experimental psychology distinguished themselves from parapsychology, which in the late nineteenth century enjoyed popularity (including the interest of scholars such as William James). Some people considered parapsychology to be part of "psychology". Parapsychology, hypnotism, and psychism were major topics at the early International Congresses. But students of these fields were eventually ostracized, and more or less banished from the Congress in 1900–1905.[38] Parapsychology persisted for a time at Imperial University in Japan, with publications such as Clairvoyance and Thoughtography by Tomokichi Fukurai, but it was mostly shunned by 1913.[39] As a discipline, psychology has long sought to fend off accusations that it is a "soft" science. Philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn's 1962 critique implied psychology overall was in a pre-paradigm state, lacking agreement on the type of overarching theory found in mature hard sciences such as chemistry and physics.[86] Because some areas of psychology rely on research methods such as self-reports in surveys and questionnaires, critics asserted that psychology is not an objective science. Skeptics have suggested that personality, thinking, and emotion cannot be directly measured and are often inferred from subjective self-reports, which may be problematic. Experimental psychologists have devised a variety of ways to indirectly measure these elusive phenomenological entities.[87][88][89] Divisions still exist within the field, with some psychologists more oriented towards the unique experiences of individual humans, which cannot be understood only as data points within a larger population. Critics inside and outside the field have argued that mainstream psychology has become increasingly dominated by a "cult of empiricism", which limits the scope of research because investigators restrict themselves to methods derived from the physical sciences.[90]: 36–7  Feminist critiques have argued that claims to scientific objectivity obscure the values and agenda of (historically) mostly male researchers.[44] Jean Grimshaw, for example, argues that mainstream psychological research has advanced a patriarchal agenda through its efforts to control behavior.[90]: 120  Major schools of thought Biological Main article: Cognitive neuroscience False-color representations of cerebral fiber pathways affected, per Van Horn et al.[91] Psychologists generally consider biology the substrate of thought and feeling, and therefore an important area of study. Behaviorial neuroscience, also known as biological psychology, involves the application of biological principles to the study of physiological and genetic mechanisms underlying behavior in humans and other animals. The allied field of comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals.[92] A leading question in behavioral neuroscience has been whether and how mental functions are localized in the brain. From Phineas Gage to H.M. and Clive Wearing, individual people with mental deficits traceable to physical brain damage have inspired new discoveries in this area.[93] Modern behavioral neuroscience could be said to originate in the 1870s, when in France Paul Broca traced production of speech to the left frontal gyrus, thereby also demonstrating hemispheric lateralization of brain function. Soon after, Carl Wernicke identified a related area necessary for the understanding of speech.[94]: 20–2  The contemporary field of behavioral neuroscience focuses on the physical basis of behavior. Behaviorial neuroscientists use animal models, often relying on rats, to study the neural, genetic, and cellular mechanisms that underlie behaviors involved in learning, memory, and fear responses.[95] Cognitive neuroscientists, by using neural imaging tools, investigate the neural correlates of psychological processes in humans. Neuropsychologists conduct psychological assessments to determine how an individual's behavior and cognition are related to the brain. The biopsychosocial model is a cross-disciplinary, holistic model that concerns the ways in which interrelationships of biological, psychological, and socio-environmental factors affect health and behavior.[96] Evolutionary psychology approaches thought and behavior from a modern evolutionary perspective. This perspective suggests that psychological adaptations evolved to solve recurrent problems in human ancestral environments. Evolutionary psychologists attempt to find out how human psychological traits are evolved adaptations, the results of natural selection or sexual selection over the course of human evolution.[97] The history of the biological foundations of psychology includes evidence of racism. The idea of white supremacy and indeed the modern concept of race itself arose during the process of world conquest by Europeans.[98] Carl von Linnaeus's four-fold classification of humans classifies Europeans as intelligent and severe, Americans as contented and free, Asians as ritualistic, and Africans as lazy and capricious. Race was also used to justify the construction of socially specific mental disorders such as drapetomania and dysaesthesia aethiopica—the behavior of uncooperative African slaves.[99] After the creation of experimental psychology, "ethnical psychology" emerged as a subdiscipline, based on the assumption that studying primitive races would provide an important link between animal behavior and the psychology of more evolved humans.[100] Behaviorist Main articles: Behaviorism, Psychological behaviorism, and Radical behaviorism Skinner's teaching machine, a mechanical invention to automate the task of programmed instruction Duration: 3 minutes and 21 seconds.3:21 The film of the Little Albert experiment A tenet of behavioral research is that a large part of both human and lower-animal behavior is learned. A principle associated with behavioral research is that the mechanisms involved in learning apply to humans and non-human animals. Behavioral researchers have developed a treatment known as behavior modification, which is used to help individuals replace undesirable behaviors with desirable ones. Early behavioral researchers studied stimulus–response pairings, now known as classical conditioning. They demonstrated that when a biologically potent stimulus (e.g., food that elicits salivation) is paired with a previously neutral stimulus (e.g., a bell) over several learning trials, the neutral stimulus by itself can come to elicit the response the biologically potent stimulus elicits. Ivan Pavlov—known best for inducing dogs to salivate in the presence of a stimulus previously linked with food—became a leading figure in the Soviet Union and inspired followers to use his methods on humans.[42] In the United States, Edward Lee Thorndike initiated "connectionist" studies by trapping animals in "puzzle boxes" and rewarding them for escaping. Thorndike wrote in 1911, "There can be no moral warrant for studying man's nature unless the study will enable us to control his acts."[32]: 212–5  From 1910 to 1913 the American Psychological Association went through a sea change of opinion, away from mentalism and towards "behavioralism." In 1913, John B. Watson coined the term behaviorism for this school of thought.[32]: 218–27  Watson's famous Little Albert experiment in 1920 was at first thought to demonstrate that repeated use of upsetting loud noises could instill phobias (aversions to other stimuli) in an infant human,[15][101] although such a conclusion was likely an exaggeration.[102] Karl Lashley, a close collaborator with Watson, examined biological manifestations of learning in the brain.[93] Clark L. Hull, Edwin Guthrie, and others did much to help behaviorism become a widely used paradigm.[40] A new method of "instrumental" or "operant" conditioning added the concepts of reinforcement and punishment to the model of behavior change. Radical behaviorists avoided discussing the inner workings of the mind, especially the unconscious mind, which they considered impossible to assess scientifically.[103] Operant conditioning was first described by Miller and Kanorski and popularized in the U.S. by B.F. Skinner, who emerged as a leading intellectual of the behaviorist movement.[104][105] Noam Chomsky published an influential critique of radical behaviorism on the grounds that behaviorist principles could not adequately explain the complex mental process of language acquisition and language use.[106][107] The review, which was scathing, did much to reduce the status of behaviorism within psychology.[32]: 282–5  Martin Seligman and his colleagues discovered that they could condition in dogs a state of "learned helplessness", which was not predicted by the behaviorist approach to psychology.[108][109] Edward C. Tolman advanced a hybrid "cognitive behavioral" model, most notably with his 1948 publication discussing the cognitive maps used by rats to guess at the location of food at the end of a maze.[110] Skinner's behaviorism did not die, in part because it generated successful practical applications.[107] The Association for Behavior Analysis International was founded in 1974 and by 2003 had members from 42 countries. The field has gained a foothold in Latin America and Japan.[111] Applied behavior analysis is the term used for the application of the principles of operant conditioning to change socially significant behavior (it supersedes the term, "behavior modification").[112] Cognitive Main article: Cognitive psychology Green Red Blue Purple Blue Purple Blue Purple Red Green Purple Green The Stroop effect is the fact that naming the color of the first set of words is easier and quicker than the second. Baddeley's model of working memory The Müller–Lyer illusion. Psychologists make inferences about mental processes from shared phenomena such as optical illusions. Cognitive psychology involves the study of mental processes, including perception, attention, language comprehension and production, memory, and problem solving.[113] Researchers in the field of cognitive psychology are sometimes called cognitivists. They rely on an information processing model of mental functioning. Cognitivist research is informed by functionalism and experimental psychology. Starting in the 1950s, the experimental techniques developed by Wundt, James, Ebbinghaus, and others re-emerged as experimental psychology became increasingly cognitivist and, eventually, constituted a part of the wider, interdisciplinary cognitive science.[114][115] Some called this development the cognitive revolution because it rejected the anti-mentalist dogma of behaviorism as well as the strictures of psychoanalysis.[115] Albert Bandura helped along the transition in psychology from behaviorism to cognitive psychology. Bandura and other social learning theorists advanced the idea of vicarious learning. In other words, they advanced the view that a child can learn by observing the immediate social environment and not necessarily from having been reinforced for enacting a behavior, although they did not rule out the influence of reinforcement on learning a behavior.[116] Technological advances also renewed interest in mental states and mental representations. English neuroscientist Charles Sherrington and Canadian psychologist Donald O. Hebb used experimental methods to link psychological phenomena to the structure and function of the brain. The rise of computer science, cybernetics, and artificial intelligence underlined the value of comparing information processing in humans and machines. A popular and representative topic in this area is cognitive bias, or irrational thought. Psychologists (and economists) have classified and described a sizeable catalog of biases which recur frequently in human thought. The availability heuristic, for example, is the tendency to overestimate the importance of something which happens to come readily to mind.[117] Elements of behaviorism and cognitive psychology were synthesized to form cognitive behavioral therapy, a form of psychotherapy modified from techniques developed by American psychologist Albert Ellis and American psychiatrist Aaron T. Beck. On a broader level, cognitive science is an interdisciplinary enterprise involving cognitive psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, linguists, and researchers in artificial intelligence, human–computer interaction, and computational neuroscience. The discipline of cognitive science covers cognitive psychology as well as philosophy of mind, computer science, and neuroscience.[118] Computer simulations are sometimes used to model phenomena of interest. Social Main article: Social psychology See also: Social psychology (sociology) Social psychology is concerned with how behaviors, thoughts, feelings, and the social environment influence human interactions.[119] Social psychologists study such topics as the influence of others on an individual's behavior (e.g. conformity, persuasion) and the formation of beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes about other people. Social cognition fuses elements of social and cognitive psychology for the purpose of understanding how people process, remember, or distort social information. The study of group dynamics involves research on the nature of leadership, organizational communication, and related phenomena. In recent years, social psychologists have become interested in implicit measures, mediational models, and the interaction of person and social factors in accounting for behavior. Some concepts that sociologists have applied to the study of psychiatric disorders, concepts such as the social role, sick role, social class, life events, culture, migration, and total institution, have influenced social psychologists.[120] Psychoanalytic Main articles: Psychodynamics and psychoanalysis Front row: Sigmund Freud, G. Stanley Hall, Carl Jung]. Back row: Abraham A. Brill, Ernest Jones, Sándor Ferenczi at Clark University in 1909. Psychoanalysis is a collection of theories and therapeutic techniques intended to analyze the unconscious mind and its impact on everyday life. These theories and techniques inform treatments for mental disorders.[121][122][123] Psychoanalysis originated in the 1890s, most prominently with the work of Sigmund Freud. Freud's psychoanalytic theory was largely based on interpretive methods, introspection, and clinical observation. It became very well known, largely because it tackled subjects such as sexuality, repression, and the unconscious.[61]: 84–6  Freud pioneered the methods of free association and dream interpretation.[124][125] Psychoanalytic theory is not monolithic. Other well-known psychoanalytic thinkers who diverged from Freud include Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, Erik Erikson, Melanie Klein, D.W. Winnicott, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, John Bowlby, Freud's daughter Anna Freud, and Harry Stack Sullivan. These individuals ensured that psychoanalysis would evolve into diverse schools of thought. Among these schools are ego psychology, object relations, and interpersonal, Lacanian, and relational psychoanalysis. Psychologists such as Hans Eysenck and philosophers including Karl Popper sharply criticized psychoanalysis. Popper argued that psychoanalysis was not falsifiable (no claim it made could be proven wrong) and therefore inherently not a scientific discipline,[126] whereas Eysenck advanced the view that psychoanalytic tenets had been contradicted by experimental data. By the end of the 20th century, psychology departments in American universities mostly had marginalized Freudian theory, dismissing it as a "desiccated and dead" historical artifact.[127] Researchers such as António Damásio, Oliver Sacks, and Joseph LeDoux; and individuals in the emerging field of neuro-psychoanalysis have defended some of Freud's ideas on scientific grounds.[128] Existential-humanistic Main articles: Existential psychology and Humanistic psychology Psychologist Abraham Maslow in 1943 posited that humans have a hierarchy of needs, and it makes sense to fulfill the basic needs first before higher-order needs can be met.[129] Humanistic psychology, which has been influenced by existentialism and phenomenology,[130] stresses free will and self-actualization.[131] It emerged in the 1950s as a movement within academic psychology, in reaction to both behaviorism and psychoanalysis.[132] The humanistic approach seeks to view the whole person, not just fragmented parts of the personality or isolated cognitions.[133] Humanistic psychology also focuses on personal growth, self-identity, death, aloneness, and freedom. It emphasizes subjective meaning, the rejection of determinism, and concern for positive growth rather than pathology. Some founders of the humanistic school of thought were American psychologists Abraham Maslow, who formulated a hierarchy of human needs, and Carl Rogers, who created and developed client-centered therapy.[134] Later, positive psychology opened up humanistic themes to scientific study. Positive psychology is the study of factors which contribute to human happiness and well-being, focusing more on people who are currently healthy. In 2010, Clinical Psychological Review published a special issue devoted to positive psychological interventions, such as gratitude journaling and the physical expression of gratitude. It is, however, far from clear that positive psychology is effective in making people happier.[135][136] Positive psychological interventions have been limited in scope, but their effects are thought to be somewhat better than placebo effects. The American Association for Humanistic Psychology, formed in 1963, declared: Humanistic psychology is primarily an orientation toward the whole of psychology rather than a distinct area or school. It stands for respect for the worth of persons, respect for differences of approach, open-mindedness as to acceptable methods, and interest in exploration of new aspects of human behavior. As a "third force" in contemporary psychology, it is concerned with topics having little place in existing theories and systems: e.g., love, creativity, self, growth, organism, basic need-gratification, self-actualization, higher values, being, becoming, spontaneity, play, humor, affection, naturalness, warmth, ego-transcendence, objectivity, autonomy, responsibility, meaning, fair-play, transcendental experience, peak experience, courage, and related concepts.[137] Existential psychology emphasizes the need to understand a client's total orientation towards the world. Existential psychology is opposed to reductionism, behaviorism, and other methods that objectify the individual.[131] In the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by philosophers Søren Kierkegaard and Martin Heidegger, psychoanalytically trained American psychologist Rollo May helped to develop existential psychology. Existential psychotherapy, which follows from existential psychology, is a therapeutic approach that is based on the idea that a person's inner conflict arises from that individual's confrontation with the givens of existence. Swiss psychoanalyst Ludwig Binswanger and American psychologist George Kelly may also be said to belong to the existential school.[138] Existential psychologists tend to differ from more "humanistic" psychologists in the former's relatively neutral view of human nature and relatively positive assessment of anxiety.[139] Existential psychologists emphasized the humanistic themes of death, free will, and meaning, suggesting that meaning can be shaped by myths and narratives; meaning can be deepened by the acceptance of free will, which is requisite to living an authentic life, albeit often with anxiety with regard to death.[140] Austrian existential psychiatrist and Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl drew evidence of meaning's therapeutic power from reflections upon his own internment.[141] He created a variation of existential psychotherapy called logotherapy, a type of existentialist analysis that focuses on a will to meaning (in one's life), as opposed to Adler's Nietzschean doctrine of will to power or Freud's will to pleasure.[142] Themes Personality Main article: Personality psychology Personality psychology is concerned with enduring patterns of behavior, thought, and emotion. Theories of personality vary across different psychological schools of thought. Each theory carries different assumptions about such features as the role of the unconscious and the importance of childhood experience. According to Freud, personality is based on the dynamic interactions of the id, ego, and super-ego.[143] By contrast, trait theorists have developed taxonomies of personality constructs in describing personality in terms of key traits. Trait theorists have often employed statistical data-reduction methods, such as factor analysis. Although the number of proposed traits has varied widely, Hans Eysenck's early biologically based model suggests at least three major trait constructs are necessary to describe human personality, extraversion–introversion, neuroticism-stability, and psychoticism-normality. Raymond Cattell empirically derived a theory of 16 personality factors at the primary-factor level and up to eight broader second-stratum factors.[144][145][146][147] Since the 1980s, the Big Five (openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism) emerged as an important trait theory of personality.[148] Dimensional models of personality disorders are receiving increasing support, and a version of dimensional assessment, namely the Alternative DSM-5 Model for Personality Disorders, has been included in the DSM-5. However, despite a plethora of research into the various versions of the "Big Five" personality dimensions, it appears necessary to move on from static conceptualizations of personality structure to a more dynamic orientation, acknowledging that personality constructs are subject to learning and change over the lifespan.[149][150] An early example of personality assessment was the Woodworth Personal Data Sheet, constructed during World War I. The popular, although psychometrically inadequate, Myers–Briggs Type Indicator[151] was developed to assess individuals' "personality types" according to the personality theories of Carl Jung. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), despite its name, is more a dimensional measure of psychopathology than a personality measure.[152] California Psychological Inventory contains 20 personality scales (e.g., independence, tolerance).[153] The International Personality Item Pool, which is in the public domain, has become a source of scales that can be used personality assessment.[154] Unconscious mind See also: Unconscious mind § Psychology Study of the unconscious mind, a part of the psyche outside the individual's awareness but that is believed to influence conscious thought and behavior, was a hallmark of early psychology. In one of the first psychology experiments conducted in the United States, C.S. Peirce and Joseph Jastrow found in 1884 that research subjects could choose the minutely heavier of two weights even if consciously uncertain of the difference.[155] Freud popularized the concept of the unconscious mind, particularly when he referred to an uncensored intrusion of unconscious thought into one's speech (a Freudian slip) or to his efforts to interpret dreams.[156] His 1901 book The Psychopathology of Everyday Life catalogs hundreds of everyday events that Freud explains in terms of unconscious influence. Pierre Janet advanced the idea of a subconscious mind, which could contain autonomous mental elements unavailable to the direct scrutiny of the subject.[157] The concept of unconscious processes has remained important in psychology. Cognitive psychologists have used a "filter" model of attention. According to the model, much information processing takes place below the threshold of consciousness, and only certain stimuli, limited by their nature and number, make their way through the filter. Much research has shown that subconscious priming of certain ideas can covertly influence thoughts and behavior.[157] Because of the unreliability of self-reporting, a major hurdle in this type of research involves demonstrating that a subject's conscious mind has not perceived a target stimulus. For this reason, some psychologists prefer to distinguish between implicit and explicit memory. In another approach, one can also describe a subliminal stimulus as meeting an objective but not a subjective threshold.[158] The automaticity model of John Bargh and others involves the ideas of automaticity and unconscious processing in our understanding of social behavior,[159][160] although there has been dispute with regard to replication.[161][162] Some experimental data suggest that the brain begins to consider taking actions before the mind becomes aware of them.[163] The influence of unconscious forces on people's choices bears on the philosophical question of free will. John Bargh, Daniel Wegner, and Ellen Langer describe free will as an illusion.[159][160][164] Motivation Main article: Motivation Some psychologists study motivation or the subject of why people or lower animals initiate a behavior at a particular time. It also involves the study of why humans and lower animals continue or terminate a behavior. Psychologists such as William James initially used the term motivation to refer to intention, in a sense similar to the concept of will in European philosophy. With the steady rise of Darwinian and Freudian thinking, instinct also came to be seen as a primary source of motivation.[165] According to drive theory, the forces of instinct combine into a single source of energy which exerts a constant influence. Psychoanalysis, like biology, regarded these forces as demands originating in the nervous system. Psychoanalysts believed that these forces, especially the sexual instincts, could become entangled and transmuted within the psyche. Classical psychoanalysis conceives of a struggle between the pleasure principle and the reality principle, roughly corresponding to id and ego. Later, in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud introduced the concept of the death drive, a compulsion towards aggression, destruction, and psychic repetition of traumatic events.[166] Meanwhile, behaviorist researchers used simple dichotomous models (pleasure/pain, reward/punishment) and well-established principles such as the idea that a thirsty creature will take pleasure in drinking.[165][167] Clark Hull formalized the latter idea with his drive reduction model.[168] Hunger, thirst, fear, sexual desire, and thermoregulation constitute fundamental motivations in animals.[167] Humans seem to exhibit a more complex set of motivations—though theoretically these could be explained as resulting from desires for belonging, positive self-image, self-consistency, truth, love, and control.[169][170] Motivation can be modulated or manipulated in many different ways. Researchers have found that eating, for example, depends not only on the organism's fundamental need for homeostasis—an important factor causing the experience of hunger—but also on circadian rhythms, food availability, food palatability, and cost.[167] Abstract motivations are also malleable, as evidenced by such phenomena as goal contagion: the adoption of goals, sometimes unconsciously, based on inferences about the goals of others.[171] Vohs and Baumeister suggest that contrary to the need-desire-fulfillment cycle of animal instincts, human motivations sometimes obey a "getting begets wanting" rule: the more you get a reward such as self-esteem, love, drugs, or money, the more you want it. They suggest that this principle can even apply to food, drink, sex, and sleep.[172] Development psychology Main article: Developmental psychology Developmental psychologists engage a child with a book and then make observations based on how the child interacts with the object. Developmental psychology is the scientific study of how and why the thought processes, emotions, and behaviors of humans change over the course of their lives.[173] Some credit Charles Darwin with conducting the first systematic study within the rubric of developmental psychology, having published in 1877 a short paper detailing the development of innate forms of communication based on his observations of his infant son.[174] The main origins of the discipline, however, are found in the work of Jean Piaget. Like Piaget, developmental psychologists originally focused primarily on the development of cognition from infancy to adolescence. Later, developmental psychology extended itself to the study cognition over the life span. In addition to studying cognition, developmental psychologists have also come to focus on affective, behavioral, moral, social, and neural development. Developmental psychologists who study children use a number of research methods. For example, they make observations of children in natural settings such as preschools[175] and engage them in experimental tasks.[176] Such tasks often resemble specially designed games and activities that are both enjoyable for the child and scientifically useful. Developmental researchers have even devised clever methods to study the mental processes of infants.[177] In addition to studying children, developmental psychologists also study aging and processes throughout the life span, including old age.[178] These psychologists draw on the full range of psychological theories to inform their research.[173] Genes and environment Main article: Behavioural genetics All researched psychological traits are influenced by both genes and environment, to varying degrees.[179][180] These two sources of influence are often confounded in observational research of individuals and families. An example of this confounding can be shown in the transmission of depression from a depressed mother to her offspring. A theory based on environmental transmission would hold that an offspring, by virtue of their having a problematic rearing environment managed by a depressed mother, is at risk for developing depression. On the other hand, a hereditarian theory would hold that depression risk in an offspring is influenced to some extent by genes passed to the child from the mother. Genes and environment in these simple transmission models are completely confounded. A depressed mother may both carry genes that contribute to depression in her offspring and also create a rearing environment that increases the risk of depression in her child.[181] Behavioral genetics researchers have employed methodologies that help to disentangle this confound and understand the nature and origins of individual differences in behavior.[97] Traditionally the research has involved twin studies and adoption studies, two designs where genetic and environmental influences can be partially un-confounded. More recently, gene-focused research has contributed to understanding genetic contributions to the development of psychological traits. The availability of microarray molecular genetic or genome sequencing technologies allows researchers to measure participant DNA variation directly, and test whether individual genetic variants within genes are associated with psychological traits and psychopathology through methods including genome-wide association studies. One goal of such research is similar to that in positional cloning and its success in Huntington's: once a causal gene is discovered biological research can be conducted to understand how that gene influences the phenotype. One major result of genetic association studies is the general finding that psychological traits and psychopathology, as well as complex medical diseases, are highly polygenic,[182][183][184][185][186] where a large number (on the order of hundreds to thousands) of genetic variants, each of small effect, contribute to individual differences in the behavioral trait or propensity to the disorder. Active research continues to work toward understanding the genetic and environmental bases of behavior and their interaction. Applications Further information: Outline of psychology, List of psychology disciplines, Applied psychology, and Subfields of psychology Psychology encompasses many subfields and includes different approaches to the study of mental processes and behavior. Psychological testing See also: Psychometrics and social statistics Francis Galton, a pioneer of the experimental psychology field Psychological testing has ancient origins, dating as far back as 2200 BC, in the examinations for the Chinese civil service. Written exams began during the Han dynasty (202 BC – AD 220). By 1370, the Chinese system required a stratified series of tests, involving essay writing and knowledge of diverse topics. The system was ended in 1906.[187]: 41–2  In Europe, mental assessment took a different approach, with theories of physiognomy—judgment of character based on the face—described by Aristotle in 4th century BC Greece. Physiognomy remained current through the Enlightenment, and added the doctrine of phrenology: a study of mind and intelligence based on simple assessment of neuroanatomy.[187]: 42–3  When experimental psychology came to Britain, Francis Galton was a leading practitioner. By virtue of his procedures for measuring reaction time and sensation, he is considered an inventor of modern mental testing (also known as psychometrics).[187]: 44–5  James McKeen Cattell, a student of Wundt and Galton, brought the idea of psychological testing to the United States, and in fact coined the term "mental test".[187]: 45–6  In 1901, Cattell's student Clark Wissler published discouraging results, suggesting that mental testing of Columbia and Barnard students failed to predict academic performance.[187]: 45–6  In response to 1904 orders from the Minister of Public Instruction, One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188] psychologists Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon developed and elaborated a new test of intelligence in 1905–1911. They used a range of questions diverse in their nature and difficulty. Binet and Simon introduced the concept of mental age and referred to the lowest scorers on their test as idiots. Henry H. Goddard put the Binet-Simon scale to work and introduced classifications of mental level such as imbecile and feebleminded. In 1916, (after Binet's death), Stanford professor Lewis M. Terman modified the Binet-Simon scale (renamed the Stanford–Binet scale) and introduced the intelligence quotient as a score report.[187]: 50–56  Based on his test findings, and reflecting the racism common to that era, Terman concluded that intellectual disability "represents the level of intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indians and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be racial."[189] Following the Army Alpha and Army Beta tests, which was developed by psychologist Robert Yerkes in 1917 and then used in World War 1 by industrial and organizational psychologists for large-scale employee testing and selection of military personnel.[190] Mental testing also became popular in the U.S., where it was applied to schoolchildren. The federally created National Intelligence Test was administered to 7 million children in the 1920s. In 1926, the College Entrance Examination Board created the Scholastic Aptitude Test to standardize college admissions.[187]: 61  The results of intelligence tests were used to argue for segregated schools and economic functions, including the preferential training of Black Americans for manual labor. These practices were criticized by Black intellectuals such a Horace Mann Bond and Allison Davis.[189] Eugenicists used mental testing to justify and organize compulsory sterilization of individuals classified as mentally retarded (now referred to as intellectual disability).[49] In the United States, tens of thousands of men and women were sterilized. Setting a precedent that has never been overturned, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of this practice in the 1927 case Buck v. Bell.[191] Today mental testing is a routine phenomenon for people of all ages in Western societies.[187]: 2  Modern testing aspires to criteria including standardization of procedure, consistency of results, output of an interpretable score, statistical norms describing population outcomes, and, ideally, effective prediction of behavior and life outcomes outside of testing situations.[187]: 4–6  Psychological testing is regularly used in forensic contexts to aid legal judgments and decisions.[192] Developments in psychometrics include work on test and scale reliability and validity.[193] Developments in item-response theory,[194] structural equation modeling,[195] and bifactor analysis[196] have helped in strengthening test and scale construction. Mental health care See also: Clinical psychology The provision of psychological health services is generally called clinical psychology in the U.S. Sometimes, however, members of the school psychology and counseling psychology professions engage in practices that resemble that of clinical psychologists. Clinical psychologists typically include people who have graduated from doctoral programs in clinical psychology. In Canada, some of the members of the abovementioned groups usually fall within the larger category of professional psychology. In Canada and the U.S., practitioners get bachelor's degrees and doctorates; doctoral students in clinical psychology usually spend one year in a predoctoral internship and one year in postdoctoral internship. In Mexico and most other Latin American and European countries, psychologists do not get bachelor's and doctoral degrees; instead, they take a three-year professional course following high school.[85] Clinical psychology is at present the largest specialization within psychology.[197] It includes the study and application of psychology for the purpose of understanding, preventing, and relieving psychological distress, dysfunction, and/or mental illness. Clinical psychologists also try to promote subjective well-being and personal growth. Central to the practice of clinical psychology are psychological assessment and psychotherapy although clinical psychologists may also engage in research, teaching, consultation, forensic testimony, and program development and administration.[198] Credit for the first psychology clinic in the United States typically goes to Lightner Witmer, who established his practice in Philadelphia in 1896. Another modern psychotherapist was Morton Prince, an early advocate for the establishment of psychology as a clinical and academic discipline.[197] In the first part of the twentieth century, most mental health care in the United States was performed by psychiatrists, who are medical doctors. Psychology entered the field with its refinements of mental testing, which promised to improve the diagnosis of mental problems. For their part, some psychiatrists became interested in using psychoanalysis and other forms of psychodynamic psychotherapy to understand and treat the mentally ill.[44][199] Psychotherapy as conducted by psychiatrists blurred the distinction between psychiatry and psychology, and this trend continued with the rise of community mental health facilities. Some in the clinical psychology community adopted behavioral therapy, a thoroughly non-psychodynamic model that used behaviorist learning theory to change the actions of patients. A key aspect of behavior therapy is empirical evaluation of the treatment's effectiveness. In the 1970s, cognitive-behavior therapy emerged with the work of Albert Ellis and Aaron Beck. Although there are similarities between behavior therapy and cognitive-behavior therapy, cognitive-behavior therapy required the application of cognitive constructs. Since the 1970s, the popularity of cognitive-behavior therapy among clinical psychologists increased. A key practice in behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapy is exposing patients to things they fear, based on the premise that their responses (fear, panic, anxiety) can be deconditioned.[200] Mental health care today involves psychologists and social workers in increasing numbers. In 1977, National Institute of Mental Health director Bertram Brown described this shift as a source of "intense competition and role confusion."[44] Graduate programs issuing doctorates in clinical psychology emerged in the 1950s and underwent rapid increase through the 1980s. The PhD degree is intended to train practitioners who could also conduct scientific research. The PsyD degree is more exclusively designed to train practitioners.[85] Some clinical psychologists focus on the clinical management of patients with brain injury. This subspecialty is known as clinical neuropsychology. In many countries, clinical psychology is a regulated mental health profession. The emerging field of disaster psychology (see crisis intervention) involves professionals who respond to large-scale traumatic events.[201] The work performed by clinical psychologists tends to be influenced by various therapeutic approaches, all of which involve a formal relationship between professional and client (usually an individual, couple, family, or small group). Typically, these approaches encourage new ways of thinking, feeling, or behaving. Four major theoretical perspectives are psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, existential–humanistic, and systems or family therapy. There has been a growing movement to integrate the various therapeutic approaches, especially with an increased understanding of issues regarding culture, gender, spirituality, and sexual orientation. With the advent of more robust research findings regarding psychotherapy, there is evidence that most of the major therapies have equal effectiveness, with the key common element being a strong therapeutic alliance.[202][203] Because of this, more training programs and psychologists are now adopting an eclectic therapeutic orientation.[204][205][206][207][208] Diagnosis in clinical psychology usually follows the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).[209] The study of mental illnesses is called abnormal psychology. Education Main articles: Educational psychology and School psychology An item from a cognitive abilities test used in educational psychology Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. Educational psychologists can be found in preschools, schools of all levels including post secondary institutions, community organizations and learning centers, Government or private research firms, and independent or private consultant.[210] The work of developmental psychologists such as Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Jerome Bruner has been influential in creating teaching methods and educational practices. Educational psychology is often included in teacher education programs in places such as North America, Australia, and New Zealand. School psychology combines principles from educational psychology and clinical psychology to understand and treat students with learning disabilities; to foster the intellectual growth of gifted students; to facilitate prosocial behaviors in adolescents; and otherwise to promote safe, supportive, and effective learning environments. School psychologists are trained in educational and behavioral assessment, intervention, prevention, and consultation, and many have extensive training in research.[211] Work See also: Industrial and organizational psychology and Organizational behavior Industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology involves research and practices that apply psychological theories and principles to organizations and individuals' work-lives.[212] In the field's beginnings, industrialists brought the nascent field of psychology to bear on the study of scientific management techniques for improving workplace efficiency. The field was at first called economic psychology or business psychology; later, industrial psychology, employment psychology, or psychotechnology.[213] An influential early study examined workers at Western Electric's Hawthorne plant in Cicero, Illinois from 1924 to 1932. Western Electric experimented on factory workers to assess their responses to changes in illumination, breaks, food, and wages. The researchers came to focus on workers' responses to observation itself, and the term Hawthorne effect is now used to describe the fact that people's behavior can change when they think they are being observed.[214] Although the Hawthorne research can be found in psychology textbooks, the research and its findings were weak at best.[215][216] The name industrial and organizational psychology emerged in the 1960s. In 1973, it became enshrined in the name of the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Division 14 of the American Psychological Association.[213] One goal of the discipline is to optimize human potential in the workplace. Personnel psychology is a subfield of I/O psychology. Personnel psychologists apply the methods and principles of psychology in selecting and evaluating workers. Another subfield, organizational psychology, examines the effects of work environments and management styles on worker motivation, job satisfaction, and productivity.[217] Most I/O psychologists work outside of academia, for private and public organizations and as consultants.[213] A psychology consultant working in business today might expect to provide executives with information and ideas about their industry, their target markets, and the organization of their company.[218][219] Organizational behavior (OB) is an allied field involved in the study of human behavior within organizations.[220] One way to differentiate I/O psychology from OB is that I/O psychologists train in university psychology departments and OB specialists, in business schools. Military and intelligence One role for psychologists in the military has been to evaluate and counsel soldiers and other personnel. In the U.S., this function began during World War I, when Robert Yerkes established the School of Military Psychology at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia. The school provided psychological training for military staff.[44][221] Today, U.S. Army psychologists perform psychological screening, clinical psychotherapy, suicide prevention, and treatment for post-traumatic stress, as well as provide prevention-related services, for example, smoking cessation.[222] The United States Army's Mental Health Advisory Teams implement psychological interventions to help combat troops experiencing mental problems.[223][224] Psychologists may also work on a diverse set of campaigns known broadly as psychological warfare. Psychological warfare chiefly involves the use of propaganda to influence enemy soldiers and civilians. This so-called black propaganda is designed to seem as if it originates from a source other than the Army.[225] The CIA's MKULTRA program involved more individualized efforts at mind control, involving techniques such as hypnosis, torture, and covert involuntary administration of LSD.[226] The U.S. military used the name Psychological Operations (PSYOP) until 2010, when these activities were reclassified as Military Information Support Operations (MISO), part of Information Operations (IO).[227] Psychologists have sometimes been involved in assisting the interrogation and torture of suspects, staining the records of the psychologists involved.[228] Health, well-being, and social change See also: Health psychology, Social issues, and Occupational health psychology Social change An example of the contribution of psychologists to social change involves the research of Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark. These two African American psychologists studied segregation's adverse psychological impact on Black children. Their research findings played a role in the desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education (1954).[229] The impact of psychology on social change includes the discipline's broad influence on teaching and learning. Research has shown that compared to the "whole word" or "whole language" approach, the phonics approach to reading instruction is more efficacious.[230] Medical applications Medical facilities increasingly employ psychologists to perform various roles. One aspect of health psychology is the psychoeducation of patients: instructing them in how to follow a medical regimen. Health psychologists can also educate doctors and conduct research on patient compliance.[231][232] Psychologists in the field of public health use a wide variety of interventions to influence human behavior. These range from public relations campaigns and outreach to governmental laws and policies. Psychologists study the composite influence of all these different tools in an effort to influence whole populations of people.[233] Worker health, safety and wellbeing Psychologists work with organizations to apply findings from psychological research to improve the health and well-being of employees. Some work as external consultants hired by organizations to solve specific problems, whereas others are full-time employees of the organization. Applications include conducting surveys to identify issues and designing interventions to make work healthier. Some of the specific health areas include: Accidents and injuries: A major contribution is the concept of safety climate, which is employee shared perceptions of the behaviors that are encouraged (e.g., wearing safety gear) and discouraged (not following safety rules) at work.[234] Organizations with strong safety climates have fewer work accidents and injuries.[235] Cardiovascular disease: Cardiovascular disease has been related to lack of job control.[236] Mental health: Exposure to occupational stress is associated with mental health disorder.[237] Musculoskeletal disorder: These are injuries in bones, nerves and tendons due to overexertion and repetitive strain. They have been linked to job satisfaction and workplace stress.[238] Physical health symptoms: Occupational stress has been linked to physical symptoms such as digestive distress and headache.[239] Workplace violence: Violence prevention climate is related to being physically assaulted and psychologically mistreated at work.[240] Interventions that improve climates are a way to address accidents and violence. Interventions that reduce stress at work or provide employees with tools to better manage it can help in areas where stress is an important component. Industrial psychology became interested in worker fatigue during World War I, when government ministers in Britain were concerned about the impact of fatigue on workers in munitions factories but not other types of factories.[241][242] In the U. K. some interest in worker well-being emerged with the efforts of Charles Samuel Myers and his National Institute of Industrial Psychology (NIIP) during the inter-War years.[243] In the U. S. during the mid-twentieth century industrial psychologist Arthur Kornhauser pioneered the study of occupational mental health, linking industrial working conditions to mental health as well as the spillover of an unsatisfying job into a worker's personal life.[244][245] Zickar accumulated evidence to show that "no other industrial psychologist of his era was as devoted to advocating management and labor practices that would improve the lives of working people."[244] Occupational health psychology As interest in the worker health expanded toward the end of the twentieth century, the field of occupational health psychology (OHP) emerged. OHP is a branch of psychology that is interdisciplinary.[52][246] OHP is concerned with the health and safety of workers.[52][246] OHP addresses topic areas such as the impact of occupational stressors on physical and mental health, mistreatment of workers (e.g., bullying and violence), work-family balance, the impact of involuntary unemployment on physical and mental health, the influence of psychosocial factors on safety and accidents, and interventions designed to improve/protect worker health.[52][247] OHP grew out of health psychology, industrial and organizational psychology, and occupational medicine.[248] OHP has also been informed by disciplines outside psychology, including industrial engineering, sociology, and economics.[249][250] Research methods Main articles: Psychological research and List of psychological research methods Quantitative psychological research lends itself to the statistical testing of hypotheses. Although the field makes abundant use of randomized and controlled experiments in laboratory settings, such research can only assess a limited range of short-term phenomena. Some psychologists rely on less rigorously controlled, but more ecologically valid, field experiments as well. Other research psychologists rely on statistical methods to glean knowledge from population data.[251] The statistical methods research psychologists employ include the Pearson product–moment correlation coefficient, the analysis of variance, multiple linear regression, logistic regression, structural equation modeling, and hierarchical linear modeling. The measurement and operationalization of important constructs is an essential part of these research designs. Although this type of psychological research is much less abundant than quantitative research, some psychologists conduct qualitative research. This type of research can involve interviews, questionnaires, and first-hand observation.[252] While hypothesis testing is rare, virtually impossible, in qualitative research, qualitative studies can be helpful in theory and hypothesis generation, interpreting seemingly contradictory quantitative findings, and understanding why some interventions fail and others succeed.[253] Controlled experiments Main article: Experiment Flowchart of the four phases, enrollment, intervention allocation, follow-up, and data analysis, of a parallel randomized trial of two groups modified from the CONSORT 2010 Statement[254] The experimenter (E) orders the teacher (T), the subject of the experiment, to give what the latter believes are painful electric shocks to a learner (L), who is actually an actor and confederate. The subject believes that for each wrong answer, the learner was receiving actual electric shocks, though in reality there were no such punishments. Being separated from the subject, the confederate set up a tape recorder integrated with the electro-shock generator, which played pre-recorded sounds for each shock level etc.[255] A true experiment with random assignment of research participants (sometimes called subjects) to rival conditions allows researchers to make strong inferences about causal relationships. When there are large numbers of research participants, the random assignment (also called random allocation) of those participants to rival conditions ensures that the individuals in those conditions will, on average, be similar on most characteristics, including characteristics that went unmeasured. In an experiment, the researcher alters one or more variables of influence, called independent variables, and measures resulting changes in the factors of interest, called dependent variables. Prototypical experimental research is conducted in a laboratory with a carefully controlled environment. A quasi-experiment is a situation in which different conditions are being studied, but random assignment to the different conditions is not possible. Investigators must work with preexisting groups of people. Researchers can use common sense to consider how much the nonrandom assignment threatens the study's validity.[256] For example, in research on the best way to affect reading achievement in the first three grades of school, school administrators may not permit educational psychologists to randomly assign children to phonics and whole language classrooms, in which case the psychologists must work with preexisting classroom assignments. Psychologists will compare the achievement of children attending phonics and whole language classes and, perhaps, statistically adjust for any initial differences in reading level. Experimental researchers typically use a statistical hypothesis testing model which involves making predictions before conducting the experiment, then assessing how well the data collected are consistent with the predictions. These predictions are likely to originate from one or more abstract scientific hypotheses about how the phenomenon under study actually works.[257] Other types of studies Further information: Video recall Surveys are used in psychology for the purpose of measuring attitudes and traits, monitoring changes in mood, and checking the validity of experimental manipulations (checking research participants' perception of the condition they were assigned to). Psychologists have commonly used paper-and-pencil surveys. However, surveys are also conducted over the phone or through e-mail. Web-based surveys are increasingly used to conveniently reach many subjects. Observational studies are commonly conducted in psychology. In cross-sectional observational studies, psychologists collect data at a single point in time. The goal of many cross-sectional studies is the assess the extent factors are correlated with each other. By contrast, in longitudinal studies psychologists collect data on the same sample at two or more points in time. Sometimes the purpose of longitudinal research is to study trends across time such as the stability of traits or age-related changes in behavior. Because some studies involve endpoints that psychologists cannot ethically study from an experimental standpoint, such as identifying the causes of depression, they conduct longitudinal studies a large group of depression-free people, periodically assessing what is happening in the individuals' lives. In this way psychologists have an opportunity to test causal hypotheses regarding conditions that commonly arise in people's lives that put them at risk for depression. Problems that affect longitudinal studies include selective attrition, the type of problem in which bias is introduced when a certain type of research participant disproportionately leaves a study. One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188] Exploratory data analysis includes a variety of practices that researchers use to reduce a great many variables to a small number overarching factors. In Peirce's three modes of inference, exploratory data analysis corresponds to abduction.[258] Meta-analysis is the technique research psychologists use to integrate results from many studies of the same variables and arriving at a grand average of the findings.[259] Direct brain observation/manipulation An EEG recording setup Artificial neural network with two layers, an interconnected group of nodes, akin to the vast network of neurons in the human brain A classic and popular tool used to relate mental and neural activity is the electroencephalogram (EEG), a technique using amplified electrodes on a person's scalp to measure voltage changes in different parts of the brain. Hans Berger, the first researcher to use EEG on an unopened skull, quickly found that brains exhibit signature "brain waves": electric oscillations which correspond to different states of consciousness. Researchers subsequently refined statistical methods for synthesizing the electrode data, and identified unique brain wave patterns such as the delta wave observed during non-REM sleep.[260] Newer functional neuroimaging techniques include functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography, both of which track the flow of blood through the brain. These technologies provide more localized information about activity in the brain and create representations of the brain with widespread appeal. They also provide insight which avoids the classic problems of subjective self-reporting. It remains challenging to draw hard conclusions about where in the brain specific thoughts originate—or even how usefully such localization corresponds with reality. However, neuroimaging has delivered unmistakable results showing the existence of correlations between mind and brain. Some of these draw on a systemic neural network model rather than a localized function model.[261][262][263] Interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and drugs also provide information about brain–mind interactions. Psychopharmacology is the study of drug-induced mental effects. Computer simulation See also: Computational cognition, Graph theory, and Network theory Computational modeling is a tool used in mathematical psychology and cognitive psychology to simulate behavior.[264] This method has several advantages. Since modern computers process information quickly, simulations can be run in a short time, allowing for high statistical power. Modeling also allows psychologists to visualize hypotheses about the functional organization of mental events that could not be directly observed in a human. Computational neuroscience uses mathematical models to simulate the brain. Another method is symbolic modeling, which represents many mental objects using variables and rules. Other types of modeling include dynamic systems and stochastic modeling. Animal studies A rat undergoing a Morris water navigation test used in behavioral neuroscience to study the role of the hippocampus in spatial learning and memory Animal experiments aid in investigating many aspects of human psychology, including perception, emotion, learning, memory, and thought, to name a few. In the 1890s, Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov famously used dogs to demonstrate classical conditioning. Non-human primates, cats, dogs, pigeons, and rats and other rodents are often used in psychological experiments. Ideally, controlled experiments introduce only one independent variable at a time, in order to ascertain its unique effects upon dependent variables. These conditions are approximated best in laboratory settings. In contrast, human environments and genetic backgrounds vary so widely, and depend upon so many factors, that it is difficult to control important variables for human subjects. There are pitfalls, however, in generalizing findings from animal studies to humans through animal models.[265] Comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals, especially as these relate to the phylogenetic history, adaptive significance, and development of behavior. Research in this area explores the behavior of many species, from insects to primates. It is closely related to other disciplines that study animal behavior such as ethology.[266] Research in comparative psychology sometimes appears to shed light on human behavior, but some attempts to connect the two have been quite controversial, for example the Sociobiology of E.O. Wilson.[267] Animal models are often used to study neural processes related to human behavior, e.g. in cognitive neuroscience. Qualitative research Phineas P. Gage survived an accident in which a large iron rod was driven completely through his head, destroying much of his brain's left frontal lobe, but the injury altered his personality and behavior.[268] Qualitative research is often designed to answer questions about the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals. Qualitative research involving first-hand observation can help describe events as they occur, with the goal of capturing the richness of everyday behavior and with the hope of discovering and understanding phenomena that might have been missed if only more cursory examinations are made. Qualitative psychological research methods include interviews, first-hand observation, and participant observation. Creswell (2003) identified five main possibilities for qualitative research, including narrative, phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. Qualitative researchers[269] sometimes aim to enrich our understanding of symbols, subjective experiences, or social structures. Sometimes hermeneutic and critical aims can give rise to quantitative research, as in Erich Fromm's application of psychological and sociological theories, in his book Escape from Freedom, to understanding why many ordinary Germans supported Hitler.[270] Just as Jane Goodall studied chimpanzee social and family life by careful observation of chimpanzee behavior in the field, psychologists conduct naturalistic observation of ongoing human social, professional, and family life. Sometimes the participants are aware they are being observed, and other times the participants do not know they are being observed. Strict ethical guidelines must be followed when covert observation is being carried out. Program evaluation Program evaluation involves the systematic collection, analysis, and application of information to answer questions about projects, policies and programs, particularly about their effectiveness.[271][272] In both the public and private sectors, stakeholders often want to know the extent which the programs they are funding, implementing, voting for, receiving, or objecting to are producing the intended effects. While program evaluation first focuses on effectiveness, important considerations often include how much the program costs per participant, how the program could be improved, whether the program is worthwhile, whether there are better alternatives, if there are unintended outcomes, and whether the program goals are appropriate and useful.[273] Contemporary issues Metascience Metascience involves the application of scientific methodology to study science itself. The field of metascience has revealed problems in psychological research. Some psychological research has suffered from bias,[274] problematic reproducibility,[275] and misuse of statistics.[276] These findings have led to calls for reform from within and from outside the scientific community.[277] Confirmation bias In 1959, statistician Theodore Sterling examined the results of psychological studies and discovered that 97% of them supported their initial hypotheses, implying possible publication bias.[278][279][280] Similarly, Fanelli (2010)[281] found that 91.5% of psychiatry/psychology studies confirmed the effects they were looking for, and concluded that the odds of this happening (a positive result) was around five times higher than in fields such as space science or geosciences. Fanelli argued that this is because researchers in "softer" sciences have fewer constraints to their conscious and unconscious biases. Replication Further information: Replication crisis § In psychology A replication crisis in psychology has emerged. Many notable findings in the field have not been replicated. Some researchers were even accused of publishing fraudulent results.[282][283][284] Systematic efforts, including efforts by the Reproducibility Project of the Center for Open Science, to assess the extent of the problem found that as many as two-thirds of highly publicized findings in psychology failed to be replicated.[285] Reproducibility has generally been stronger in cognitive psychology (in studies and journals) than social psychology[285] and subfields of differential psychology.[286][287] Other subfields of psychology have also been implicated in the replication crisis, including clinical psychology,[288][289][290] developmental psychology,[291][292][293] and a field closely related to psychology, educational research.[294][295][296][297][298] Focus on the replication crisis has led to other renewed efforts in the discipline to re-test important findings.[299][300] In response to concerns about publication bias and data dredging (conducting a large number of statistical tests on a great many variables but restricting reporting to the results that were statistically significant), 295 psychology and medical journals have adopted result-blind peer review where studies are accepted not on the basis of their findings and after the studies are completed, but before the studies are conducted and upon the basis of the methodological rigor of their experimental designs and the theoretical justifications for their proposed statistical analysis before data collection or analysis is conducted.[301][302] In addition, large-scale collaborations among researchers working in multiple labs in different countries have taken place. The collaborators regularly make their data openly available for different researchers to assess.[303] Allen and Mehler[304] estimated that 61 per cent of result-blind studies have yielded null results, in contrast to an estimated 5 to 20 per cent in traditional research. Misuse of statistics Further information: Misuse of statistics and Misuse of p-values Some critics view statistical hypothesis testing as misplaced. Psychologist and statistician Jacob Cohen wrote in 1994 that psychologists routinely confuse statistical significance with practical importance, enthusiastically reporting great certainty in unimportant facts.[305] Some psychologists have responded with an increased use of effect size statistics, rather than sole reliance on p-values.[306] WEIRD bias "WEIRD" redirects here. For other uses, see Weird (disambiguation). See also: Cultural psychology, Indigenous psychology, Transnational psychology, and Cross-cultural psychology In 2008, Arnett pointed out that most articles in American Psychological Association journals were about U.S. populations when U.S. citizens are only 5% of the world's population. He complained that psychologists had no basis for assuming psychological processes to be universal and generalizing research findings to the rest of the global population.[307] In 2010, Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan reported a bias in conducting psychology studies with participants from "WEIRD" ("Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic") societies.[308][309] Henrich et al. found that "96% of psychological samples come from countries with only 12% of the world's population" (p. 63). The article gave examples of results that differ significantly between people from WEIRD and tribal cultures, including the Müller-Lyer illusion. Arnett (2008), Altmaier and Hall (2008) and Morgan-Consoli et al. (2018) view the Western bias in research and theory as a serious problem considering psychologists are increasingly applying psychological principles developed in WEIRD regions in their research, clinical work, and consultation with populations around the world.[307][310][311] In 2018, Rad, Martingano, and Ginges showed that nearly a decade after Henrich et al.'s paper, over 80% of the samples used in studies published in the journal Psychological Science employed WEIRD samples. Moreover, their analysis showed that several studies did not fully disclose the origin of their samples; the authors offered a set of recommendations to editors and reviewers to reduce WEIRD bias.[312] STRANGE bias Similar to the WEIRD bias, starting in 2020, researchers of non-human behavior have started to emphasize the need to document the possibility of the STRANGE (Social background, Trappability and self-selection, Rearing history, Acclimation and habituation, Natural changes in responsiveness, Genetic makeup, and Experience) bias in study conclusions.[313] Unscientific mental health training Some observers perceive a gap between scientific theory and its application—in particular, the application of unsupported or unsound clinical practices.[314] Critics say there has been an increase in the number of mental health training programs that do not instill scientific competence.[315] Practices such as "facilitated communication for infantile autism"; memory-recovery techniques including body work; and other therapies, such as rebirthing and reparenting, may be dubious or even dangerous, despite their popularity.[316] These practices, however, are outside the mainstream practices taught in clinical psychology doctoral programs. Ethics Ethical standards in the discipline have changed over time. Some famous past studies are today considered unethical and in violation of established codes (e.g., the Canadian Code of Conduct for Research Involving Humans, and the Belmont Report). The American Psychological Association has advanced a set of ethical principles and a code of conduct for the profession.[317] The most important contemporary standards include informed and voluntary consent. After World War II, the Nuremberg Code was established because of Nazi abuses of experimental subjects. Later, most countries (and scientific journals) adopted the Declaration of Helsinki. In the U.S., the National Institutes of Health established the Institutional Review Board in 1966, and in 1974 adopted the National Research Act (HR 7724). All of these measures encouraged researchers to obtain informed consent from human participants in experimental studies. A number of influential but ethically dubious studies led to the establishment of this rule; such studies included the MIT-Harvard Fernald School radioisotope studies, the Thalidomide tragedy, the Willowbrook hepatitis study, Stanley Milgram's studies of obedience to authority, and the Stanford Prison Experiment. Ethics with Humans The ethics code of the American Psychological Association originated in 1951 as "Ethical Standards of Psychologists." This code has guided the formation of licensing laws in most American states. It has changed multiple times over the decades since its adoption, and contains both aspirational principles and binding ethical standards. The APA's Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct consists of five General Principles, which are meant to guide psychologists to higher ethical practice where a particular standard does not apply. Those principles are: A. Beneficence and Nonmaleficence - meaning the psychologists must work to benefit those they work with and "do no harm." This includes awareness of indirect benefits and harms their work might have on others due to personal, social, political, or other factors. B. Fidelity and Responsibility - an awareness of public trust in the profession and adherence to ethical standards and clarification of roles to preserve that trust. This includes managing conflicts of interest, as well as committing some portion of a psychologist's professional time to low-cost or pro bono work. C. Integrity - upholding honesty and accuracy in all psychological practices, including avoiding misrepresentations and fraud. In situations where psychologists would use deception (i.e., certain research), psychologists must consider the necessity, benefits, and harms, and mitigate any harms where possible. D. Justice - an understanding that psychology must be for everyone's benefit, and that psychologists take special care to avoid unjust practices as a result of biases or limitations of expertise. E. Respect for People's Rights and Dignity - the preservation of people's rights when working with psychologists, including confidentially, privacy, and autonomy. Psychologists should consider a multitude of factors, including a need for special safeguards for protected populations (e.g., minors, incarcerated individuals) and awareness of differences based on numerous factors, including culture, race, age, gender, and socioeconomic status. In 1989, the APA revised its policies on advertising and referral fees to negotiate the end of an investigation by the Federal Trade Commission. The 1992 incarnation was the first to distinguish between "aspirational" ethical standards and "enforceable" ones. The APA code was further revised in 2010 to prevent the use of the code to justify violating human rights, which was in response to the participation of APA members in interrogations under the administration of United States President George W. Bush.[318] Members of the public have a five-year window to file ethics complaints about APA members with the APA ethics committee; members of the APA have a three-year window.[319] The Canadian Psychological Association used the APA code until 1986, when it developed its own code drawing from four similar principles: 1) Respect for the Dignity of Persons and Peoples, 2) Responsible Caring, 3) Integrity in Relationships, 4) Responsibility to Society.[320][321] The European Federation of Psychologist's Associations, have adopted a model code using the principles of the Canadian Code, while also drawing from the APA code.[322][323] Universities have ethics committees dedicated to protecting the rights (e.g., voluntary nature of participation in the research, privacy) and well-being (e.g., minimizing distress) of research participants. University ethics committees evaluate proposed research to ensure that researchers protect the rights and well-being of participants; an investigator's research project cannot be conducted unless approved by such an ethics committee.[324] The field of psychology also identifies certain categories of people that require additional or special protection due to particular vulnerabilities, unequal power dynamics, or diminished capacity for informed consent. This list often includes, but is not limited to, children, incarcerated individuals, pregnant women, human fetuses and neonates, institutionalized persons, those with physical or mental disabilities, and the educationally or economically disadvantaged.[325] Some of the ethical issues considered most important are the requirement to practice only within the area of competence, to maintain confidentiality with the patients, and to avoid sexual relations with them. Another important principle is informed consent, the idea that a patient or research subject must understand and freely choose a procedure they are undergoing.[319] Some of the most common complaints against clinical psychologists include sexual misconduct[319] and breaches in confidentiality or privacy.[319] Psychology ethics apply to all types of human contact in a psychologist's professional capacity, including therapy, assessment, teaching, training, work with research subjects, testimony in courts and before government bodies, consulting, and statements to the public or media pertaining to matters of psychology.[317] Ethics with other animals Research on other animals is governed by university ethics committees. Research on nonhuman animals cannot proceed without permission of the ethics committee, of the researcher's home institution. Ethical guidelines state that using non-human animals for scientific purposes is only acceptable when the harm (physical or psychological) done to animals is outweighed by the benefits of the research.[326] Psychologists can use certain research techniques on animals that could not be used on humans. Comparative psychologist Harry Harlow drew moral condemnation for isolation experiments on rhesus macaque monkeys at the University of Wisconsin–Madison in the 1970s.[327] The aim of the research was to produce an animal model of clinical depression. Harlow also devised what he called a "rape rack", to which the female isolates were tied in normal monkey mating posture.[328] In 1974, American literary critic Wayne C. Booth wrote that, "Harry Harlow and his colleagues go on torturing their nonhuman primates decade after decade, invariably proving what we all knew in advance—that social creatures can be destroyed by destroying their social ties." He writes that Harlow made no mention of the criticism of the morality of his work.[329] Animal research is influential in psychology, while still being debated among academics. The testing of animals for research has led to medical breakthroughs in human medicine. Many psychologists argue animal experimentation is essential for human advancement, but must be regulated by the government to ensure ethicality.

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  Psychology   is the scientific study of   mind   and   behavior . [ 1 ] [ 2 ]   Its subject matter includes the behavior of humans and nonhumans, both   conscious   and   unconscious   phenomena, and mental processes such as   thoughts ,   feelings , and   motives . Psychology is an academic discipline of immense scope, crossing the boundaries between the   natural   and   social sciences . Biological psychologists seek an understanding of the   emergent   properties of brains, linking the discipline to   neuroscience . As social scientists, psychologists aim to understand the behavior of individuals and groups. [ 3 ] [ 4 ] A professional practitioner or researcher involved in the discipline is called a  psychologist . Some psychologists can also be classified as  behavioral  or  cognitive scientists . Some psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions ...
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渴愛와 섹스 +22원등급 박종권 서술 상천연합 ---------------------------------- 갈애와 섹스의 상관관계를 놓고 지금까지의 경험과 목격관찰분석연구 및 그림들의 정보를 종합해보건대, 지구인들의 섹스는, 규정된 도덕율, 윤리율에 의존해야 한다로서 판단되었다 우리가 관찰해본 결과는, 규정된 규율, 도덕율, 윤리율 및 법,제도,관습 및 고래의 가르침을 위배위반하여, 이건희같은 놈이 만든 섹스마법 혹은 부정정사, 부정정교, 부정사음, 부정섹스, 부정결혼등에 몰입할 경우, 그 의식과 정신들 그리고 혼백과 영혼들이 짐승상태로 퇴행된다는 점을 발견한다. 원본래적으로는 휴만종족계열 혹은 인간류,인류차원의 섹스라는 것은, 그와 같이 행할때는, 인간으로서의 존엄성을 상실한다는 점, 그리고 짐승상태로 퇴행된다는 점, 그리고 그러한 상태로 퇴행되었을 경우에는, 인육을 상식하고 즐기며, 고급스런 음식으로서 인간류, 사람, 휴만종족류계열의 아종들을 먹잇감으로 삼는, 식인공룡들과 식인파충류들에게 아주 손쉽게 사냥되어 비참한 지경으로 떨어진다는 무서운 현실들이다. 일단, 그 의식과 정신상태가 짐승상태를 지나서 아예 미물, 버러지 상태까지 벌레상태로 전락한다. 우리가 목격관찰한바로는, 파충류종족류로서의 식인파충류들이 개발한 인육연화제가 바로 섹스쾌감,오르가즘류와 유사한 쾌락들이다. 그 쾌락들은, 이건희같은 놈이 개발한 섹스마법에서 만들어지는데, 우리가 보건대는, 사람을 죽일때 분비되는 죽음의 호르몬분비물을 기초자원으로 만들고 있고, 인육을 상식하려고 인간류,사람의 혼백과 정신,의식을 타락퇴행시키는 이른바 간질병, 지랄발작병에서 유도되는 지랄병호르몬을 병행하는 것으로 보인다. 게다가, 흑마법을 악용하여, 영혼을 마비시키고, 영혼을 속이고 기망한다. 그러니까, 사람을 죽이고 죽음의 순간에 분비되는 죽음의 호르몬들과 지랄병에서 유도된 지랄병호르몬들 그리고 영혼을 마비시키고, 짐승영으로 퇴행시키는 아틀란티스급, 라마제국급, 고비사막의 뮤제국급의 이른바 다이몬, 디몬술수가 병행된 것이 이건희 씨발놈이 개발한 섹스마법이며, 부정정사인 것이다. 이들이 부정정사를 좃빠지게 즐기고도, 아무런 이상이 없는 이유는(만일 사람이라면, 짐승버러지가 되고 음옥,지옥에 빠지며, 무서운 일을 당하지만 요 새끼들은 아무런 이상이 없다) 이들이 사람이 아니라서 그렇다는 점, 그리고 이른바 식인파충류급인데, 그게 보통 인간세상에서 말하는 마왕급이거나, 혹은 어둠의 권세급(파워 오브 다크니스 Power of Darkness)이거나 더 나아가면, 어둠의 군주급(Lord of Darkness)이거나, Diabolic급이라는 점에서이다. 이들의 기본인식은, 원본능성이며, 이른바 12DNA로 강화된 인류차원의 세상과는 전혀 다른 아수라차원, 초극렬지옥차원에서의 인식체를 가지며, 모든 일을 원본능성(제18지옥계, 반주, 반우주차원)에 기초하여 인식하고 행하기 때문에 아무리 좃같은 짓을 해도 그 인식에는 변함이 없는 이유인 것이다. 그 원본능성이란, 이른바 12DNA로 초절정강화된 별개인식체들이며, 높게는 무려 24DNA급으로서, 불과 2DNA에 불과한 인간류, 삼천대천계로서의 생명체들이 상상조차 하기 어려울 정도로 강하며, 삼천대천계내에서의 일은 휴지조각처럼 여기며, 그 어떤 짓을 해도 전혀 무방할정도로 초절정으로 강한 놈들이 바로 이 반주, 디아볼릭, 식인파충류들인 것이다. 그래서 뭔짓을 해도 영향이 없다 하지만, 일단 중생으로서 살고자 사람이 된 존재들에게는 무시무시한 재앙이 찾아온다. 마거릿힐다대처가 무려 650인과 부정정사를 즐기고, 저 악독한 power of darkness세계인 플레이아데스에서조차도 난잡으로 규정되지만, 이 사람은 전혀 아무런 이상도 없고, 정상적인 정치인으로서 활동하고 있다. 이 사람들이 그런 사람들이다. 영국여왕 엘리자베스2세도 마찬가지다. 마거릿과 유사한 난잡수준 바로 직전까지 가지만 전혀 이상이 없다. 하지만 이들은 식인파충류들이며, 어둠의 권세들이다. 마왕보다 더 높다. 그러니 아무리 그런 짓을 해도 이상이 없는 이유이다. 이건희놈도 마찬가지다. 특히 이건희는, 사람이 아니며, 악마인데, 근원을 보면, 디몬급 악마이다. demon급이란, 악마는 악마이지만, 사람사는 세상에서의 악마가 아니고, 적어도 아틀란티스급이상에서의 악마를 말한다. 여기서 말하는 사람이란 중생을 말한다. 중생범주내에서의 사람을 말하는 것이고, 제4우주급의 사람과는 다른 의미이다. 제4우주급 사람들은 보통 아르핫이라고 부르고 아르하트, 아라한이라고 부르기도 하는 수준을 말한다. 하지만 똑같은 사람이라고 말한다. 디몬Demon이란, 일반적으로 사탄이라고 말해지는 악마와는 다른데, 오욕칠정에 사로잡히고, 부귀공명, 부귀호사, 부귀영화, 음락에 사로잡히는 중생계와는 다른, 그런 것에는 무관한 더 높은 상급계에서의 악마를 디몬이라고 부르는 것이다. 물론, 음락은 약간 다른데, 요 어둠의 권세급들도 음락에 몰두하는 경우가 종종 있기에 그렇다. 하지만 이건 이들이 사람으로서 살아본적이 없고 사람과는 전혀 다른 체계에서 살았기로 음락이 뭔지 도무지 모르다가 알면 사람보다 수백배 더 즐기는 것을 말한다. 심지어는 제2차은하대전급 혹은 그 이상급들도 음락이 뭔지 알면 사람보다 더 환장해서 즐기는 것을 목격관찰한다. 말데크악룡도 음락을 최고도로 즐기는 것을 목격관찰하는데, 이들이 사람으로서 산적이 없어서 그렇다는 점이다. Demon이라는 놈은, 칼융이 말했던 이른바 Dimon의 화신이다. 권세를 추구하고 패권을 추구하고 영웅심을 부추긴다. 게다가 등급상승 영광된 우주제왕을 주장하는 잡놈을 디몬이라고 부르는 것이다. 게다가 이 씹새끼가 영구복락까지 주창한다. 그게 디몬이다. 부정정사를 개발하고, 휴만종족류,사람의 섹스사랑체계까지 똥오물로 범벅시킨 놈은 이건희놈이다. 그리고 이 씨팔놈이 사람의 섹스체계를 관장하는 영역차원까지 나,박종권이의 선업공덕, 선등급 +22원등급을 사칭하고 잠입하여 사람의 섹스체계를 간파하고, 똥오물로 뒤범벅을 만드는 짓을 한 놈이다. 그게 부정정사이다. 우리가 이렇게 된 것은, 인류전체의 불행이다. 어리석고 유치한 놈들이 아닐수 없다. 이건희놈을 영구영원조년작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구영속조년작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구영겁조년작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구영구조년작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구무한반복작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구무시무종작두사형처벌할것 이건희놈을 영구영원조년배후추적하여 전신을 결박구속하고 영원토록 감시하고 제재할것의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 섹스라는 것은, 일반적으로 죄가 없고 있다고 해도 어느 범주내에 있다면, 누구나 어느정도 합당한 선에서 만족을 얻을수 있다. 일반적으로 죄가 없거나 있어도 허용범주내에 있다면 누구나 다 통하는 배우자를 얻거나 섹스파트너 애인을 얻거나 해서 무리없이 만족을 얻고, 나눔과 소통을 할수 있는 것이며 그것은 누구나 다 해당되는 기본권리인 것이다. 나는 갈애와 불만족의 고통에 시달렸는데, 나처럼 갈애나 불만족의 고통을 당한다는 것은 실제로는 엄청난 죄를 지은 중죄인의 경우나 간혹 해당되고 거의 없는 일이다. 하지만 말데크악룡놈이 나를 이렇게 만드는데, 주도한 놈은 이건희놈이다. 이 씨팔놈이 나를 죽이려는 목적으로서 난행,음행을 한 놈이다. 이 새끼가 원본래로는 악마이고 파충류놈으로서 실제로는 섹스가 뭔지 다 알고, 또 그렇게 욕구하는 놈이 아니다. 하지만, 미친 놈처럼 난음,난행,음행하고 수백인을 처첩으로 삼는데, 그게 알고보니, 나를 원본래로 하여 발을 걸고 내가 한 것으로 처리하는 술수로서 자행했다는 점이다. 즉, 나는 갈애에 시달리고 불만족속에서 고통받는데, 요걸 악용해서 나의 충족되지 못한 욕구나 음욕,성욕들을 갈취해서 고걸 들고나가서 내가 한 것으로 처리하면서 최대한 미친놈처럼 즐긴다. 이유를 보면, 이 새끼가 즐기려고 그런 것이 아니다. 나를 죽이려고 그런 것이라는 점이다. 원본래적으로 악마라는 존재는 인간이나 중생처럼 오욕칠정이나 무슨 욕구같은 것이 없다. 게다가 파충류종족류도 마찬가지다. 이 섹스에 대한 갈구나 욕구라는 것은 오로지 포유영장류로서의 인류,인간류, 중생범주로서의 사람들이나 가지는 것이지, 악마,마귀,파충류급은 아예 그런게 없다. 특히 파충류들은, 알을 까고 난생을 하고 냉음하다. 인간류,중생범주의 사람처럼 뭐 섹스를 원하고 그런 것이 아예 없다. 만일 그렇게 한다면 그건 사람을 잡아 처먹으려고 그러는 것이다. 즉, 인간에게는 섹스쾌감으로 오인되도록 위조된 식인파동인식을 사람에게 가하고, 사람은 그걸 섹스쾌감으로 오인하는데, 실제로는 식인연화제로서 식인유인제로서 사람류,인류,중생범주내의 포유영장류적사람들을 유인하는 술수이지 그게 섹스쾌감이 아니다. 그리고 그런 범주로서 이건희새끼가 개발한 섹스마법이다. 게다가 고걸 한번 하면 미쳐죽는데, 이유를 보면, 죽음의 분비물(죽음의 최고위기와 고통의 순간에 분비되는 이 호르몬을 무서운 고통에서 벗어나려는 마지막 몸부림으로서 최고절정의 어떤 것을 느끼게 해주는 것이다.)과 지랄병을 유발하는 호르몬(지랄병이란 도저히 자기를 감내하지 못하고 미쳐발광하게 만드는 호르몬같은 류들로서 유도된다)을 병행하여 나오는 결과이다. 미쳐발광하게 만들고 한번 하면 미쳐서 죽는 것이 그런 이유이다. 그러나 그렇게 미쳐죽은 경험을 반복하면서 어느사이에 그 사람이 짐승으로 퇴행하고, 나중에는 버러지 미물이 되고 똥덩어리같은 존재가 되는데, 그게 바로 식인고깃덩어리로 전락됨을 말하는 것이다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것

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 渴愛와 섹스 +22원등급 박종권 서술 상천연합 ---------------------------------- 갈애와 섹스의 상관관계를 놓고 지금까지의 경험과 목격관찰분석연구 및 그림들의 정보를 종합해보건대, 지구인들의 섹스는, 규정된 도덕율, 윤리율에 의존해야 한다로서 판단되었다 우리가 관찰해본 결과는, 규정된 규율, 도덕율, 윤리율 및 법,제도,관습 및 고래의 가르침을 위배위반하여, 이건희같은 놈이 만든 섹스마법 혹은 부정정사, 부정정교, 부정사음, 부정섹스, 부정결혼등에 몰입할 경우, 그 의식과 정신들 그리고 혼백과 영혼들이 짐승상태로 퇴행된다는 점을 발견한다. 원본래적으로는 휴만종족계열 혹은 인간류,인류차원의 섹스라는 것은, 그와 같이 행할때는, 인간으로서의 존엄성을 상실한다는 점, 그리고 짐승상태로 퇴행된다는 점, 그리고 그러한 상태로 퇴행되었을 경우에는, 인육을 상식하고 즐기며, 고급스런 음식으로서 인간류, 사람, 휴만종족류계열의 아종들을 먹잇감으로 삼는, 식인공룡들과 식인파충류들에게 아주 손쉽게 사냥되어 비참한 지경으로 떨어진다는 무서운 현실들이다. 일단, 그 의식과 정신상태가 짐승상태를 지나서 아예 미물, 버러지 상태까지 벌레상태로 전락한다. 우리가 목격관찰한바로는, 파충류종족류로서의 식인파충류들이 개발한 인육연화제가 바로 섹스쾌감,오르가즘류와 유사한 쾌락들이다. 그 쾌락들은, 이건희같은 놈이 개발한 섹스마법에서 만들어지는데, 우리가 보건대는, 사람을 죽일때 분비되는 죽음의 호르몬분비물을 기초자원으로 만들고 있고, 인육을 상식하려고 인간류,사람의 혼백과 정신,의식을 타락퇴행시키는 이른바 간질병, 지랄발작병에서 유도되는 지랄병호르몬을 병행하는 것으로 보인다. 게다가, 흑마법을 악용하여, 영혼을 마비시키고, 영혼을 속이고 기망한다. 그러니까, 사람을 죽이고 죽음의 순간에 분비되는 죽음의 호르몬들과 지랄병에서 유도된 지랄병호르몬들 그리고 영혼을 마비시키고, 짐승영으로 퇴행시키는 아틀란티스급, 라마제국급, 고비사막의 뮤제국급의 이른바 다이몬, 디...
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Yi Sun-sin (Korean: 이순신; Hanja: 李舜臣; Korean pronunciation: [i.sʰun.ɕin]; April 28, 1545 – December 16, 1598[1]) was a Korean admiral and military general known for his victories against the Japanese navy during the Imjin War in the Joseon period. Yi's courtesy name was Yŏhae (여해), and he was posthumously honored with the title Lord of Loyal Valor (충무공; 忠武公). The exact number of naval engagements conducted by Admiral Yi against the Japanese is a subject of historical debate.[2] However, it is generally accepted that he fought in at least 23 naval battles, achieving victory in all. In many of these engagements, he commanded forces that were outnumbered and poorly supplied.[3][4] His most dramatic success occurred in the Battle of Myeongnyang, where he led a Korean fleet of 13 ships to victory against a Japanese fleet of at least 133.[5] Yi died from a gunshot wound in the Battle of Noryang, the last major battle of the Imjin War, on December 16, 1598. Yi is considered one of history's greatest naval commanders, known for his strategic vision, intelligence, innovations, and personality (see military evaluation). He is a prominent figure in Korean history,[6] with landmarks, awards, and towns named after him, as well as numerous films and documentaries about his achievements. His wartime journals, known as the Nanjung Ilgi, are part of UNESCO's Memory of the World initiative.[7] Early life Yi Sun-sin was born in Geoncheon-dong (건천동; 乾川洞), Hanseong (present-day Inhyeon-dong, Jung District, Seoul) to Yi Chŏng (이정; 李貞) and a lady of the Ch'ogye Pyŏn clan. His family belonged to the Deoksu Yi clan. His grandfather, Yi Paengnok (이백록; 李百祿), had entered government service[8] but was later impeached during the Gimyo literati purge.[9] Yi's father, Yi Chŏng, did not pursue a government career, despite the expectations placed on a yangban family.[8] As a child, Yi enjoyed playing war games and was always chosen as the leader. He carried a bow and arrows and would pretend to shoot at anyone, even adults, if he thought they acted unfairly. This made the villagers fear him, and they avoided passing by his house.[10] According to Chungmugonghaengjang (충무공행장; 忠武公行狀), a biography believed to have been published during King Sunjo's reign, Yi moved to Asan before the age of eight,[8] where his future wife's family resided. Despite Yi's prominent family background, Yi was largely left to navigate his own career path, because both his grandfather and father had failed to establish themselves in government. Instead of familial support, Yi relied on Yu Sŏngnyong – a prominent scholar-official who later served as Chief State Councilor and oversaw military affairs during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) – to endorse and propel him to high military posts within the royal court. Yi and Yu were neighbors in Geoncheon-dong and acquainted with one another.[11] One record suggests that Yi and Yu met for the first time when Yi was 22 and Yu was 25, indicating Yi had returned from Asan to Seoul by then.[10] Military career In 1576, Yi passed the military examination (무과; 武科). He is said to have impressed the judges with his archery, but failed to pass the test when he broke a leg during the cavalry section. After he re-entered and passed the examination, he was posted to the Bukbyeong (Northern Frontier Army) military district in Hamgyeong province. However, he was the oldest junior officer at the age of thirty-two. There, Yi experienced battles defending the border settlements against the Jurchen marauders and quickly became known for his strategic skills and leadership. In 1583, he lured the Jurchen into battle, defeated the marauders, and captured their chief, Mu Pai Nai. According to a contemporary tradition, Yi then spent three years out of the army upon hearing of his father's death. After his return to the front line, Yi led a string of successful campaigns against the Jurchen. However, his brilliance and accomplishments so soon in his career made his superiors jealous, and they falsely accused him of desertion during battle. The conspiracy was led by General Yi Il, who would later fail to repel the Japanese invasion at the Battle of Sangju. This tendency to sabotage and frame professional adversaries was very common in the later years of the Joseon military and government. Yi was stripped of his rank, imprisoned, and tortured. After his release, Yi was allowed to fight as an enlisted soldier. After a short period of time, however, he was appointed as the commander of the Seoul Hunryeonwon (a military training center) and was later transferred to a small county, to be its military magistrate. Yi's efforts in northern Korea were rewarded when he was assigned as Commander of the Jeolla Province (전라 좌도; 全羅左道) Left Naval District.[note 1] Within the span of a few months in late 1590, he received four military appointments, in rapid succession, with each subsequent post carrying greater responsibility than the last: Commander of the Kosarijin Garrison in Pyongan Province, Commander of the Manpo Garrison, also in Pyongan Province, and the Commander of the Wando Garrison, in Jeolla province, before finally receiving the appointment as Commander of the Left Jeolla Naval District.[note 1] The royal court was in a state of confusion over the possibility of a war with Japan, now unified under the rule of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and the unstable situation in Manchuria where a young Jurchen chieftain named Nurhaci was gathering strength. Nurhaci's descendants would become masters of China as founders of the Qing dynasty in a few decades, after invading Korea in 1627 and 1637. Yi assumed his new post at Yeosu on the 13th day of the 2nd lunar month of 1591 (March 13, 1591). From there, he was able to undertake a buildup of the regional navy, which was later used to confront the Japanese invasion force. He subsequently began to strengthen the province's navy with a series of reforms, including the construction of the turtle ship. Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) Main article: Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) Yi is remembered for his numerous victories fighting the Japanese during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598), also referred to as the Imjin War. Among his twenty-three victories, the Battle of Myeongnyang and the Battle of Hansan Island are the most famous battles. In 1592, Toyotomi Hideyoshi gave the order to invade Korea and use it as a forward base to conquer Ming China. After the Japanese attacked Busan, Yi began his naval operations from his headquarters at Yeosu. Despite never having commanded a naval battle in his life, he won the Battle of Okpo, Battle of Sacheon, and several others in quick succession. His string of victories made the Japanese generals suddenly wary of the threat at sea. Yi never lost a battle during the Imjin War.[12] Four campaigns of 1592 Main article: Joseon naval campaigns of 1592 A Japanese invasion force landed at Busan and Dadaejin, port cities on the southern tip of Joseon. The Japanese, without meeting any naval resistance, quickly captured these ports and began a lightning march north. They reached Seoul in just nineteen days, on May 2, 1592, due to the military inefficiency of the Joseon army, especially at the Battle of Sangju and the failure to defend Joryeong Pass. After capturing Hanseong and Pyongyang, the Japanese planned to cross the Yalu River into Chinese territory, and use the waters west of the Korean peninsula to supply the invasion. However, Yi Sun-sin was able to stay informed on all his enemy's activities. First campaign See also: Battle of Okpo Yi had never officially studied naval warfare in his limited time in the military academy, and neither he nor his subordinates had experience in naval combat before the Japanese invasion. On the June 13, 1592, Admiral Yi and Admiral Yi Eok-gi (이억기; 李億祺; 1561–1597), the commander of the Right Jeolla navy, set sail with 24 panokseons, 15 small warships, and 46 boats (i.e. fishing boats), and arrived at the waters of Gyeongsang Province by sunset.[13] The next day, the Jeolla fleet sailed to an arranged location where Admiral Won Gyun (원균; 元均; 1540–1597) was supposed to meet them, and met the admiral on June 15. The augmented flotilla of 91 ships[14] then began circumnavigating the Geoje Island, bound for the Gadeok Island, but scouting vessels detected 50 Japanese vessels at the harbor of Okpo.[13] Upon sighting the approaching Korean fleet, some of the Japanese who had been busying themselves with plundering returned to their ships and began to flee.[13] The Korean fleet encircled the Japanese ships and finished them off with artillery bombardments.[15] The Koreans spotted five more Japanese vessels that night, and managed to destroy four of them.[15] The next day, the Koreans approached 13 Japanese ships at Jeokjinpo, as reported by their intelligence.[15] In the same manner as the previous success at Okpo, the Korean fleet destroyed 11 Japanese ships – completing the Battle of Okpo without the loss of a single ship.[15] Second campaign See also: Battle of Sacheon (1592) About three weeks after the Battle of Okpo,[16] Admirals Yi and Won sailed with a total of 26 ships (23 under Admiral Yi) toward the Bay of Sacheon upon receiving an intelligence report of a Japanese presence.[17] Admiral Yi had left behind his fishing vessels that used to make up most of his fleet in favor of his newly completed turtle ship.[16] Admiral Yi ordered the fleet to feign withdrawal, which caused the Japanese to eagerly pursue the Korean fleet with their 12 vessels.[16] With the Japanese ships drawn out of the safety of the harbor, the Korean navy countered, and with the turtle ship leading the charge, they successfully destroyed all 12 ships.[16] Admiral Yi was shot by a bullet in his left shoulder, but survived.[16] On July 10, 1592, the Korean fleet destroyed 21 Japanese ships at the Battle of Dangpo. On July 13, they destroyed 26 Japanese warship at the Battle of Danghangpo. Third campaign See also: Battle of Hansan Island In response to the Korean navy's success, Toyotomi Hideyoshi recalled three admirals from land-based activities: Wakizaka Yasuharu, Kato Yoshiaki, and Kuki Yoshitaka. They were the only ones with naval responsibilities in the entire Japanese invasion force.[18] However, the admirals arrived in Busan nine days before Hideyoshi's order was actually issued, and assembled a squadron to counter the Korean navy.[18] Eventually Admiral Wakizaka completed his preparations, and his eagerness to win military honor pushed him to launch an attack against the Koreans without waiting for the other admirals to finish.[18] The combined Korean navy of 70 ships[19] under the commands of Admirals Yi Sun-sin and Yi Eok-gi was carrying out a search-and-destroy operation because the Japanese troops on land were advancing into Jeolla Province.[18] Jeolla Province was the only Korean territory to be untouched by a major military action, and served as home for the three admirals and the only active Korean naval force.[18] The admirals considered it best to destroy naval support for the Japanese to reduce the effectiveness of the enemy ground troops.[18] On August 13, 1592, the Korean fleet sailing from Miruk Island at Dangpo received local intelligence that a large Japanese fleet was nearby.[18] The following morning, the Korean fleet spotted the Japanese fleet of 82 vessels anchored in the strait of Gyeonnaeryang.[18] Because of the narrowness of the strait and the hazard posed by the underwater rocks, Admiral Yi sent six ships to lure out 63 Japanese vessels into the wider sea,[19] and the Japanese fleet followed.[18] There the Japanese fleet was surrounded by the Korean fleet in a semicircular formation called the "crane wing" (학익진) by Admiral Yi.[18] With at least three turtle ships (two of which were newly completed) spearheading the clash, the Korean vessels fired volleys of cannonballs into the Japanese formation.[18] Then the Korean ships engaged in a free-for-all battle with the Japanese ships, maintaining enough distance to prevent the Japanese from boarding; Admiral Yi permitted melee combat only against severely damaged Japanese ships.[18] The Battle of Hansan Island ended in a Korean victory, with Japanese losses of 59 ships – 47 destroyed and 12 captured.[20] Several Korean prisoners of war were rescued during the fight. Admiral Wakisaka escaped due to the speed of his flagship.[20] When the news of the defeat reached Toyotomi Hideyoshi, he ordered that the Japanese invasion forces cease all naval operations.[18] On August 16, 1592, Yi Sun-sin led the fleet to the harbor of Angolpo, where 42 Japanese vessels were docked. Fourth campaign See also: Battle of Busan (1592) In September 1592, Yi left his base at Hansan Island and attacked the Japanese in Busan harbor. Yi withdrew his forces from Busan harbor after the battle due to the absence of a landing force. Aftermath of four campaigns of 1592 In 1593, Admiral Yi was appointed to command the combined navies of the three southern provinces with the title Naval Commander of the Three Provinces (삼도수군통제사; 三道水軍統制使) which gave him command over the Right and Left Navies of Jeolla province,[note 1] the Right and Left Navies of Gyeongsang province, and the Navy of Chungcheong province. Turtle Ships Main article: Turtle Ship Drawing of a 16th-century turtle ship Yi designed and built a number of warships known as geobukseon (거북선; lit. turtle ship), characterized by their tortoise-like design, dragon-shaped figurehead, and iron-spiked deck. The turtle ship measured 65 feet in length, with a width of 12 feet at the bow, 10.5 feet at the stern, and 14.5 feet amidships.[22] Each broadside featured six gun ports, each armed with a mortar, supplemented by additional mortars positioned ahead and astern.[23] The dragon-like figurehead emitted sulfurous smoke and created a smokescreen to obscure the ship's movements.[24] Narrow slits between the gun ports allowed for the discharge of fire-arrows and gunfire. The roof, covered with planks and spikes, thwarted Japanese boarding tactics.[25] There is a continuing debate as to whether the turtle ship had two decks or three; historians still have no definitive answer. Whichever is the case, it is clear that the turtle ship employed multiple decks to separate the rowers from the combat compartment. This enabled the turtle ship to be very mobile since wind and manpower could be used simultaneously. Most support the argument of two decks since that was what was drawn out in the first and second designs of the turtle ships. Some historians maintain that, since Yi was a unique individual and often pursued innovative ideas (contrary to the established wisdom of his peers), it is possible that he had the turtle ship built with three decks. It is known that his flagship, a panokseon, had three decks during his campaigns, so there is support for the belief that the turtle ship had three decks. Turtle ships were the most famous part of Admiral Yi's fleet; however, he never deployed more than five in any one battle. Joseon used cannons as its primary offensive naval weapon. Historically, they had often used guns and cannons against Japanese pirates as early as the 1390s. The Joseon navy did not implement the ship-boarding strategy that the Japanese navy did, so it was imperative that their warships "stand off" from Japanese vessels. Admiral Yi made it a strategic priority to avoid hand-to-hand combat, in which the Japanese navy specialized. The turtle ship was developed to support his tactic against Japanese fleets. Turtle ships were first used in the 1592 Battle of Sacheon and were used in nearly every battle until the devastating Battle of Chilchonryang, when a Japanese double-agent plot nearly succeeded, resulting in every turtle ship and all but 13 panokseon being sunk. The turtle ships did not re-appear in battle until the Battle of Noryang. Turtle ships were mostly used to spearhead attacks. They were best used in tight areas and around islands rather than the open sea. Dismissal of Yi Sun-sin One day, he told General Kim Gyeong-seo that the Japanese general Katō Kiyomasa would be coming on a certain date with a great fleet for another attack on the south shores and insisted that Admiral Yi be sent to lay an ambush. General Kim agreed and sent the message to Field Marshal Gwon Yul (권율; 權慄; 1537–1599), Commander-in-Chief (도원수; 導元帥) of the Joseon military, who, in turn, sent the message to King Seonjo. King Seonjo, who was desperate for victories to loosen the Japanese grip on his kingdom, gave permission for the attack. When General Kim gave Admiral Yi his orders, the admiral refused to carry them out, for he knew that the location given was studded with sunken rocks and was thus extremely dangerous. Admiral Yi also refused because he did not trust the words. When General Kim informed the king of Admiral Yi's refusal, the admiral's enemies at court quickly insisted on his replacement by General Won Gyun, former commander of the Gyeongsang Province Western Fleet & Commander of the Jeolla Province Ground Forces. They advised that Admiral Yi be arrested. As a result, in 1597, Yi was relieved of command, placed under arrest, and taken to Seoul in chains to be imprisoned and tortured. Yi was tortured almost to the point of death by using simple torture tactics such as whipping, flogging, burning, the cudgel, or even the classic technique of leg breaking torture. King Seonjo wanted to have Yi killed, but the admiral's supporters at court, chiefly the minister Jeong Tak (정탁; 鄭琢; 1526–1605), convinced the king to spare him due to his past service record. The prime minister, Yu Sŏngnyong, who was Yi's childhood friend and his main supporter, remained silent during this deadly hour. Spared the death penalty, Admiral Yi was again demoted to the rank of a common infantry soldier under General Gwon Yul. This penalty was worse than death for Joseon generals at that time, since they lived by honor. However, Yi responded to this humiliation as a most obedient subject, quietly going about his work as if his rank and orders were appropriate. Despite his low rank, many officers treated him with respect, since they knew that the admiral did nothing wrong.[citation needed] Yi would stay under General Gwon Yul's command for a short while until Won Gyun's death at the Battle of Chilchonryang, which would lead to his reinstatement. Joseon defeat at Chilchonryang and reinstatement of Admiral Yi With Yi stripped of influence and negotiations breaking down in 1596, Hideyoshi again ordered an attack on Joseon. The second Japanese invasion landed in the first month of 1597 with a force of 140,000 men transported on 1000 ships. In response, Ming China sent thousands of reinforcements to aid Joseon. With the help of the Ming, the Joseon army was able to halt the Japanese offensive and push it back during the winter of 1597, before the Japanese were able to reach the Joseon capitol of Hanseong. On the high seas, Yi's successor Won Gyun failed to respond to reports from his scouts and allowed the Japanese to land critical reinforcements at Sosang Harbor for their land offensive unopposed. Without adequate reconnaissance or planning, Won Gyun decided to attack with the entire naval force of Joseon at his disposal – a fleet consisting of 150 warships operated by 30,000 men that had been carefully assembled and trained by Admiral Yi. Won Gyun left anchor at Yeosu with the fleet and sailed into waters marked by treacherous rocks. The Japanese ambushed the Joseon fleet in the Battle of Chilchonryang on August 28, 1597. Ignorant of the strength and disposition of the enemy, Won was stunned to find a Japanese fleet of 500 to 1000 ships which immediately closed for melee combat, denying the Joseon ships the advantages of superior seamanship and cannon fire. The exhausted Joseon sailors were reduced to fighting boarding actions while heavily outnumbered and were slaughtered en masse. The Joseon fleet was decimated with only 13 warships surviving under Admiral Bae Seol, who fled before battle was fully engaged to save the warships under his command. After the destruction of the Joseon fleet, Won Gyun and Yi Eok-gi, another Joseon commander, fled to an island with a band of survivors but were killed by waiting Japanese soldiers from the nearby fort. When King Seonjo and the royal court learned of the catastrophic defeat, they hurriedly pardoned and reinstated Admiral Yi as commander of the greatly reduced Joseon fleet. Battle of Myeongnyang See also: Battle of Myeongnyang Admiral Yi located the 13 warships and rallied the 200 surviving sailors. Together with his flagship, Admiral Yi's entire fleet totaled 13 ships, none of which were turtle ships. In the belief that the Joseon fleet would never be restorable, King Seonjo, sent an edict to Admiral Yi to abandon the warships and take his men to join the ground forces under General Gwon Yul. Admiral Yi responded with a letter written "...your servant still doth have twelve warships under his command and he is still alive, that the enemy shall never be safe in the West Sea" (the Yellow Sea being the closest body of water to Hanseong). Emboldened after their victory at Chilchonryang, Japanese admirals Kurushima Michifusa, Todo Takatora, Kato Yoshiaki, and Wakisaka Yasuharu sailed out of Busan Harbor with a fleet of over 300 ships, confident that they would defeat Admiral Yi. Elimination of the Joseon fleet would mean unrestricted movement of supplies and reinforcements from Japan for the land offensive towards Hanseong and beyond. After careful study of potential battlefields, in October 1597 Admiral Yi lured the Japanese fleet into the Myeongnyang Strait,[26] by sending a fast warship near the Japanese naval base and luring the Japanese fleet out of anchorage. The Japanese assumed that this was a Joseon scouting ship and that pursuing it would lead to the location of Admiral Yi, giving them an opportunity to destroy the remnants of the Joseon fleet. What they did not know was that they were being lured into a masterfully devised trap. There were several reasons why Admiral Yi decided on this location for battle. Myeongnyang Strait had currents, eddies, and whirlpools so powerful that ships could only enter safely a few at a time. The north–south tidal flow reversed every three hours, limiting the time that the Japanese could mount an offensive. The strait was sufficiently narrow that it would prove impossible for the Japanese to flank or envelop the numerically inferior Joseon fleet. The deep shadows of the surrounding hillsides provided the Joseon ships with concealment. On that particular day there was also a heavy mist, dramatically reducing visibility in favor of the Joseon fleet. Therefore, despite being vastly outnumbered, Admiral Yi used the terrain restrictions to neutralize the Japanese navy's staggering numerical advantage. The Japanese fleet of approximately 333 ships (133 warships, at least 200 logistical support ships) entered Myeongnyang Strait in groups. The Japanese ships that made it through were met by 13 Joseon warships obscured by the shadows of the surrounding hills, ready with archers and cannons, and the melee-based Japanese found themselves unable to fight effectively and break through the superior Joseon ranged fire. The unpredictable current eventually wreaked havoc on the Japanese; their ships found themselves unable to maneuver and collided with each other when the tide reversed, while also presenting a perfect target for the Joseon naval artillery. Admiral Yi was astonishingly able to rout a force that outnumbered him more than 25 to 1 in ships alone. About 31 of the 333 Japanese ships that entered the Myeongnyang Strait were destroyed or damaged.[27] Joseon losses on the other hand were around ten casualties and no ships lost. Kurushima Michifusa was killed on his flagship by Joseon archers; his body in its ornate armor was fished out of the water and his severed head was put on display to further demoralize the Japanese fleet. Final battle and Admiral Yi's death See also: Battle of Noryang A map showing the movements of the navies in the battle. On December 15, 1598, a huge Japanese fleet under the command of Shimazu Yoshihiro, was amassed in Sachon Bay, on the east end of Noryang Strait. Shimazu's goal was to break the allied forces' blockade on Konishi Yukinaga, join the two fleets, and sail home to Japan. Admiral Yi, meanwhile, knew exactly where Shimazu was, after receiving reports from scouts and local fishermen. At this time, the Joseon fleet consisted of 82 panokseon and three turtle ships, with 8,000 soldiers under Admiral Yi.[28] The Ming fleet consisted of six large war junks, 57 lighter war galleys[29] and two panokseon given to Chen Lin by Admiral Yi, with 5,000 Ming soldiers of the Guangdong squadron and 2,600 Ming marines who fought aboard Joseon ships.[29][30] The battle began at two o'clock in the early morning of December 16, 1598. Like Admiral Yi's previous battles, the Japanese were unable to respond effectively to the Korean's tactics. The tightness of Noryang Strait hindered lateral movement, and Yi's maneuvers prevented the Japanese fleet from boarding their enemies' vessels, their primary naval tactic. As the Japanese retreated, Admiral Yi ordered a vigorous pursuit. During this time, a stray arquebus bullet from an enemy ship struck Admiral Yi,[31] near his left armpit.[32] Sensing that the wound was fatal, and fearing a repeat of the Battle of Chilchonryang, the admiral uttered, "The war is at its height – wear my armor and beat my war drums. Do not announce my death."[31] He died moments later. Only two people witnessed his death: Yi Hoe, Yi's eldest son, and Yi Wan, his nephew.[31] Admiral Yi's son and nephew struggled to regain their composure and carried the admiral's body into his cabin before others could notice. For the remainder of the battle, Yi Wan wore his uncle's armor and continued to beat the war drum to encourage the pursuit.[31] Yi's tomb is currently located in Asan, South Korea.[33] Comrade Chen Lin During the battle, Chen Lin and Yi were friends and allies who helped and rescued each other several times. When Chen Lin called for Admiral Yi to thank him for coming to his aid, he was met by Yi Wan, who announced that his uncle was dead.[34] It is said that Chen himself was so shocked that he fell to the ground three times, beating his chest and crying.[35] News of Admiral Yi's death spread quickly throughout the allied fleet and both Joseon and Ming sailors and fighting men wailed in grief.[34] Chen Lin later reported the news of Yi's death to Wanli Emperor, where he bestowed gifts and eulogies on Chen and Yi. Since then, Yi and Chen were memorialized as national heroes in Korea. Chen's descendants were later welcomed back to Korea to start the Gwangdong Jin clan, because of Chen Lin's contributions in defeating the Japanese and his camaraderie with Yi Sunsin. Admiral Yi's body was brought back to his hometown in Asan to be buried next to his father, Yi Jeong (in accordance to Korean tradition). Shrines, both official and unofficial, were constructed in his honor all throughout the land."[36] Legacy Military evaluation Some say Yi is an exemplar of conduct for both Koreans and even Japanese.[6] Yi is often regarded as one of history's greatest naval leaders.[12] Some military historians like Joseph Cummins and George Alexander Ballard place Yi on par with Admiral Horatio Nelson.[37][38] According to Ballard: It is always difficult for Englishmen to admit that Nelson ever had an equal in his profession, but if any man is entitled to be so regarded, it should be this great naval commander of Asiatic race who never knew defeat and died in the presence of the enemy; of whose movements a track-chart might be compiled from the wrecks of hundreds of Japanese ships lying with their valiant crews at the bottom of the sea, off the coasts of the Korean peninsula... and it seems, in truth, no exaggeration to assert that from first to last he never made a mistake, for his work was so complete under each variety of circumstances as to defy criticism... His whole career might be summarized by saying that, although he had no lessons from history to serve as a guide, he waged war on the sea as it should be waged if it is to produce definite results, and ended by making the supreme sacrifice of a defender of his country. (The Influence of the Sea on The Political History of Japan, pp. 66–67.) Admiral Togo regarded Admiral Yi as his superior. At a party held in his honor, Togo took exception to a speech comparing him to Lord Nelson and Yi Sun-sin. It may be proper to compare me with Nelson, but not with Korea's Yi Sun-sin, for he has no equal. (The Imjin War, by Samuel Hawley, pg. 490) Prior to the 1905 Battle of Tsushima, Lieutenant Commander Kawada Isao recalled in his memoirs that: ...naturally we could not help but remind ourselves of Korea's Yi Sun-sin, the world's first sea commander, whose superlative personality, strategy, invention, commanding ability, intelligence, and courage were all worthy of our admiration. (The Imjin War, by Samuel Hawley, pg. 490) Admiral Tetsutaro Sato of the Imperial Japanese Navy mentioned the Korean admiral in his book published in 1908: Throughout history there have been few generals accomplished at the tactics of frontal attack, sudden attack, concentration and dilation. Napoleon, who mastered the art of conquering the part with the whole, can be held to have been such a general, and among admirals, two further tactical geniuses may be named: in the East, Yi Sun-sin of Korea, and in the West, Horatio Nelson of England. Undoubtedly, Yi is a supreme naval commander even on the basis of the limited literature of the Seven-Year War, and despite the fact that his bravery and brilliance are not known to the West, since he had the misfortune to be born in Joseon period. Anyone who can be compared to Yi should be better than Michiel de Ruyter from Netherlands. Nelson is far behind Yi in terms of personal character and integrity. Yi was the inventor of the covered warship known as the turtle ship. He was a truly great commander and a master of the naval tactics of three hundred years ago. – A Military History of the Empire (Japanese: 帝國國防史論), p. 399 Titles and honors This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (October 2023) (Learn how and when to remove this message) Although the Korean royal court often ignored his successes during his life, after his death various honors were bestowed upon him, including the title of Chungmugong (충무공; 忠武公; Duke of Loyalty and Warfare), an enrollment as a Seonmu Ildeung Gongsin (선무일등공신; 宣武一等功臣; First-class military order of merit during the reign of Seonjo), and two posthumous offices, Yeonguijeong (영의정; 領議政; Prime Minister), and the Deokpung Buwongun (덕풍부원군; 德豊府院君; The Prince of the Court from Deokpung). His title of Samdo Sugun Tongjesa [ko]), lit. 'Naval Commander of the Three Provinces', was the title used for the commander of the Korean navy until 1896. Admiral Yi's posthumous title, Chungmugong, is used as South Korea's third highest military honor, known as The Cordon of Chungmu of the Order of Military Merit and Valor. He was posthumously granted the title of Prince of Deokpung (Chungmuro [ko]). In North Korea, the military awards the Order of Admiral Yi Sun-Sin (이순신장군훈장) to flag officers and naval commanders for outstanding leadership.[citation needed] Relics Yi Sun-sin Janggeom (이순신 장검; 李舜臣 長劍) 三尺誓天 山河動色 (I swear to heaven with the sword, the mountains and rivers tremble.) 一揮掃蕩血染山河 (With one swing, it sweeps away, the blood stains the mountains.) - Inscribed poem of each sword Janggeom (장검) are a pair of Korean swords made by Joseon swordsmiths commissioned by Yi Sun-sin. Those were designated as Treasure No. 326-1 in 1963 and promoted to a National Treasure of South Korea on August 24, 2023.[39] Those are currently on display at Hyeonchungsa Shrine [ko].[40] Some elements of the Japanese sword manufacturing were used, including the mokjeong-hyeol (目釘穴) for aligning the holes. Janggeom have additional historical value owing to their non-traditional design. The swords' materials are closer to that of Hwando than Katana, but since they are about 2 meters long,[41] they resemble Odachi and are very different from Hwando, which rarely have a blade length greater than 1.5 meters.[42] The guard and handle decoration are in the style of Katana, and the fishtail-shaped hilt is in the Ming dynasty style.[39] After the sword was completed, Yi Sun-sin inscribed his own poem on each sword's blade. Public reception and fame Joseon government Admiral Yi repeatedly defeated the Japanese invasion force in battle, while preserving the lives of his soldiers and respecting their families. Yi was supported by the people of Joseon not only for his victories, but his kindness and gratitude towards those affected by the hardships of war. They had great faith in Admiral Yi and he was regarded as more than just an admiral.[43] By contrast, King Seonjo accomplished nothing. The Joseon period's king had failed to defend the kingdom and his cowardly flight to Uiju left his reputation in ruins. The Joseon government was plagued by factionalism driven by jealousy; the ministers despised the successful and virtuous admiral, and manipulated King Seonjo to view Admiral Yi as a potential traitor. It is plausible to believe that King Seonjo and his court truly feared Admiral Yi's victories and reputation amongst the people as the foundations for a revolt[44] leading King Seonjo to have him arrested and tortured. Defended by his loyal friend, Prime Minister Yu Sŏngnyong, Admiral Yi was spared execution twice. The conspiracies worked against Admiral Yi from gaining the men, materiel, and operational freedom to decisively destroy the Japanese invasion force. It should also be noted that according to a recent Choson Ilbo article, historians have discovered written government records of the Joseon government's reaction to Admiral Yi's death. The records show that King Seonjo expressed a "blank expression", offering no signs of sadness or shock.[citation needed] Nearly all awards to Admiral Yi and his deeds were awarded posthumously.[45] In South Korea Yi is widely renowned in modern-day South Korea as the greatest general in Korean history. In a 2019 poll by Gallup Korea, Yi Sun-sin was chosen as the most respected person among South Koreans, winning 14% of the vote. Sejong the Great came in second with 11% of all votes.[46] Prominent statues of Admiral Yi have been erected in the middle of Sejongno in central Seoul (the Statue of Admiral Yi Sun-sin) and at Busan Tower in Busan. The city of Chungmu on the southern coast of Korea, now renamed Tongyeong, is named in honor of his posthumous title and the site of his headquarters. Additionally, a street in downtown Seoul is named after him, and the Yi Sun-sin Bridge was built near Yeosu and opened to traffic on May 10, 2012, becoming the longest suspension bridge in Korea. South Korean 100 Won 1970 Silver Coin in Commemoration of Admiral Sun-sin Yi South Korea's KDX-II naval destroyer class, and the first commissioned ship of the class, are named Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin. A shrine dedicated to Yi now stands in Asan, where he spent his adolescence years. An ITF-style Taekwondo pattern is named after Yi's posthumous name of Chungmu. A depiction of Admiral Yi is featured on the front of the 100 South Korean won coin. In North Korea In modern-day North Korea, Yi is honored as a patriot and a hero just like the South. However, as Yi was born into a yangban family, his actions are attributed to Joseon and its class systems. Thus, compared to the South, his legacy is relatively depreciated as a struggle to protect the "feudalist throne" and the yangban landlord class.[47] Cultural depictions Film and television Yi's life has been depicted in two motion pictures entitled Seong-ung Yi Sun-sin ("The Saintly Hero Yi Sun-sin"). The first is a 1962 black-and-white movie, and the second, based upon his war diaries, was made in color in 1971. A 2005 Korean film, Heaven's Soldiers directed by Min Joon-ki, portrayed a young Yi Sun-sin fighting the Jurchen tribes, along with local villagers and North and South Korean soldiers who traveled in time, from 2005 to 1572, with Halley's Comet. Unusually, the film presented Yi as a cunning, slightly eccentric young man, rather than a distinguished austere hero, a couple of decades before Imjin war. Some historical events were also distorted: most notably Yi's campaign against the Jurchens, which did not happen in 1572 but a few years later, after his 1576 military examination. The film, financed with a comfortable budget by Korean standards ($7–8 million), was a relative commercial success in 2005. The film's theme clearly uses the figure of Yi, venerated as a hero in both parts of present-day Korea, to plead for Korean reunification. From September 4, 2004, to August 28, 2005, a 104-episode drama series was aired on KBS. The show, titled Immortal Admiral Yi Sun-sin, dealt mostly with the events related to the Japanese invasions of Korea, as well as the life of the admiral. It became a popular drama in China and was re-aired in certain ethnic channels in the United States as well. The drama was criticized for the many artistic licenses taken, such as depicting Yi as weak and lonely in his early life and taking liberties with the events surrounding his death. On the other hand, many people complimented the way the drama portrayed him with a more human touch. It described the admiral as a true man who had to overcome many dangers and difficulties quite frequently alone, not just a hero among the clouds. This drama was a heated topic at the time since it overlapped with rising tensions in the ongoing Liancourt Rocks dispute; the series further strained relations between South Korea and Japan in the issue's most recent outbreak. Film director Kim Han-min created a film trilogy about battles led by Yi Sun-sin. The first film, The Admiral: Roaring Currents (2014) revolves around the events of the Battle of Myeongnyang and it became the most-watched film in South Korean history, attracting 17 million movie-goers. The second film Hansan: Rising Dragon (2022), is based on the Battle of Hansan Island. The third film Noryang: Deadly Sea (2023), depicts the Battle of Noryang. Park Hae-il as Yi Sun-sin in Hansan: Rising Dragon (2022) Actors who have played Yi Sun-sin Park Joong-hoon in the 2005 film Heaven's Soldiers. Kim Myung-min in the 2004–2005 KBS1 TV series Immortal Admiral Yi Sun-sin. Yoo Dong-geun in the 2013 MBC TV series Gu Family Book. Choi Min-sik in the 2014 film The Admiral: Roaring Currents. Park Hae-il in the 2022 film Hansan: Rising Dragon. Kim Yoon-seok in the 2023 film Noryang: Deadly Sea. Literature Yi also inspired literary works. In 2001, Kim Hoon's first novel, Song of the Sword, was a commercial and critical success in South Korea. In his book, the journalist-turned-novelist describes that Yi deliberately stood at the front of his ship in his final battle making himself a target for Japanese gunmen, thinking that ending his life in this honorable fashion could be better than facing another political ploys which was likely to wait him in the Joseon royal court after the war. For this poetic first-person narrative written from Yi's perspective, he received the Dongin Literature Award, the most prestigious literary prize in the nation. Comics Yi appears as the titular protagonist of a history fiction graphic novel series, produced by Onrie Kompan Productions since 2009. Video games Yi Sun-Sin is a playable character in the video game Mobile Legends: Bang Bang.[48] A game scenario in which the player can assume Yi's role is featured in the Age of Empires II extension pack The Conquerors. Yi Sun-Sin is a playable character in the Mobile/PC Game Rise of Kingdoms. A game campaign in which the player can assume Yi's role is featured in the Empires: Dawn of the Modern World. Yi Sun-Sin appears as a Great Admiral in Sid Meier's Civilization VI. Family Father: Yi Jeong (이정; July 1511 – November 15, 1583), Internal Prince Deokyeon (덕연부원군; 德淵府院君) Mother: Lady Byeon of the Chogye Byeon clan (정경부인 초계 변씨; 1515–1597) Sibling(s): Older brother: Yi Hui-sin (이희신) Older brother: Yi Yo-sin (이요신) Younger brother: Yi Woo-sin (이우신) Wives and issue(s): Wife: Lady Bang of the Onyang Bang clan (정경부인 온양 방씨); Bang Jin (방진)'s daughter Son: Yi Hoe (이회; 1567–1625) Son: Yi Yeol (이열) Son: Yi Myeon (이면; 1577–1597) Daughter: Lady Yi of the Deoksu Yi clan (덕수 이씨); married Hong Bi (홍비), Hong Ga-sin (홍가신)'s son Concubine: Lady Oh of the Haeju Oh clan (해주 오씨) Son: Yi Hun (이훈; b. 1569) Son: Yi Sin (이신; b. 1574) Daughter: Lady Yi of the Deoksu Yi clan (덕수 이씨); married Im Jin (임진) Daughter: Lady Yi of the Deoksu Yi clan (덕수 이씨); married Yun Hyo-jeon (윤효전) Concubine: Lady Buandaek (부안댁) – No issue.

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  Yi Sun-sin   ( Korean :  이순신 ;   Hanja :  李舜臣 ;   Korean pronunciation:   [i.sʰun.ɕin] ; April 28, 1545 – December 16, 1598 [ 1 ] ) was a Korean admiral and military general known for his victories against the Japanese navy during the   Imjin War   in the   Joseon   period. Yi's courtesy name was Yŏhae (여해), and he was posthumously honored with the title Lord of Loyal Valor ( 충무공 ;   忠武公 ). The exact number of naval engagements conducted by Admiral Yi against the Japanese is a subject of historical debate. [ 2 ]  However, it is generally accepted that he fought in at least 23 naval battles, achieving victory in all. In many of these engagements, he commanded forces that were outnumbered and poorly supplied. [ 3 ] [ 4 ]  His most dramatic success occurred in the  Battle of Myeongnyang , where he led a Korean fleet of 13 ships to victory against a Japanese fleet of at least 133. [ 5 ]  Yi died from a gunshot...
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